BTK: A Case Study in Psychopathy

SMU Journal of Undergraduate Research SMU Journal of Undergraduate Research

Volume 7 Issue 2 Article 5

May 2022

BTK: A Case Study in Psychopathy BTK: A Case Study in Psychopathy

Matthew S. Hutnyan

[email protected]

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BTK: A Case Study in Psychopathy

Matthew S. Hutnyan

mhutnyan@smu.edu

Mentor: Dr. James Calvert

ABSTRACT

Psychopathy and serial murder have been topics of great public interest and media attention for several decades. Dennis Rader, a

serial killer well-known by his pseudonym “BTK,” was responsible for the gruesome torture and murder of ten people between

1974 and 1991. Although some information is known about him through media accounts, little work has been done to synthesize

information about his life and crimes, and to examine him as a case study of psychopathy. Through careful literature review and

analysis, this study aims to provide insight into Rader’s life and crimes, and to delineate his psychopathology to gain a better

understanding of psychopathy. The results of this case study indicate that Dennis Rader exhibited many features of psychopathy,

as well as antisocial and narcissistic personality disorders. This case study has important implications for the public perception of

psychopathy and serial murderers, and the investigation of individual psychopaths, emphasizing the value of a comprehensive

review of an individual’s life factors in relation to their criminal behavior.

1. INTRODUCTION

There is perhaps no topic of psychology and

criminology that has gained more widespread interest than

that of psychopathy and serial murder. News media outlets

have long sensationalized the heinous acts of serial killers

like Ted Bundy and Jeffrey Dahmer, and films such as The

Silence of the Lambs, Se7en, and American Psycho have

captivated audiences for decades. Dramatized stories of

violent crime, rape, and murder that are often associated with

the term “psychopath” have rapidly populated American

culture. Many of these accounts and portrayals fail to make

an important distinction between psychopaths and other

types of criminal offender – a distinction that is often lost not

only on news media outlets, the entertainment industry, and

the public, but also on professionals that work within the

criminal justice system (e.g., psychologists, psychiatrists,

law enforcement). In this context, it is important to

demonstrate how psychopathy manifests and explain why it

does.

“Bind them, torture them, kill them”—this was the

motto of the infamous “BTK” killer of Wichita, Kansas who

gruesomely murdered ten people between 1974 and 1991.

His heinous acts created a wake of fear among Kansans that

lasted for decades, and he will long be remembered as one

of the most elusive serial killers in American history. BTK

became infamous primarily because he did not have one

“type” of victim, he did not kill in rapid succession, and he

sent numerous letters to local media outlets and law

enforcement, detailing his crimes and crafting a public

persona for himself. After three decades of eluding capture,

BTK made an erroneous decision to send law enforcement

identifiable information. He was subsequently arrested and

convicted for his crimes (Eagle Staff, 2019).

BTK was not a deformed monster or a devilish

effigy. He was Dennis Rader—church president, Boy Scout

leader, and ADT employee—who lived in an average

neighborhood with his wife and two kids. He was the

Dr. James Calvert is a senior lecturer in SMU’s Psychology Department.

archetype of a suburban man, with a sinister pastime. The

study of serial killers and psychopathy requires a

fundamental understanding that “monstrous acts do not

necessarily proceed from monsters” (Gray, 2010, p. 191). It

is easy to project one’s perception of horrible acts onto the

person who commits them, but as exemplified by Rader, acts

are often separate from the actor as he is known by others.

“We expect that the person who committed the acts to be as

horrible as the acts themselves,” says Psychologist Richard

Gray, “but ultimately we find the evildoer pedestrian, his life

outside of the crime and its contexts relatively

unremarkable” (Gray, 2010, p. 191). From a layperson’s

perspective, the case of BTK is disconcerting and fantastical.

It seems unlikely that a man like Dennis Rader could commit

the crimes of BTK, and if he did, that would mean that

anyone could be walking around committing those crimes.

This is the danger of a psychopath.

2. PSYCHOPATHY

A. A Brief History

Researchers have found references to the construct

of psychopathy—known as “moral insanity,” “constitutional

inferiority,” “insanity without delirium,” and “moral

derangement,” among other things—throughout time and

across cultures (Hare, 1999; Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011; Wilson

et al., 2014). Although definitions have shifted over time,

many of the underlying traits and characteristics of

psychopathy have been long observed. Theophrastus, a

student of Aristotle’s, is considered one of the first people to

formally write on the topic of psychopathy, calling those

who lacked empathy and a conscience “the unscrupulous”

(as cited in Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011, p. 359). Psychopathic

characteristics are also common among characters in

biblical, classical, medieval, and modern texts, including the

works of Shakespeare, the Chinese epic Jin Ping Mei,

Berthold Brecht’s Three Penny Opera, and Anthony

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Burgess’ A Clockwork Orange, taking on diverse and often

villainous forms.

A scientific notion of psychopathy was first

described in the early nineteenth century by French

Psychiatrist Philippe Pinel. He observed a distinct pattern of

remorselessness and lack of restraint among some

individuals that was particularly severe and malicious

compared to other patients he had treated (Hare, 1999; see

Arrigo & Shipley, 2001 for a discussion of Pinel and other

key figures in the history of psychopathy). One of Pinel’s

students, Jean Etienne Dominique Esquirol, dubbed this set

of characteristics la folie raisonnante, which translates to

“rational madness” (Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011). In the early

1940s, American Psychiatrist Hervey Cleckley (1941) wrote

The Mask of Sanity, a seminal work on psychopathic

characteristics. In it, he describes many cases of psychopathy

characterized by a total lack of empathy, enhanced social

skills and persuasive ability, and exceptional charm. While

some of his patients were “plainly unsuited for life in any

community,” a select few were much more troubling: they

were highly functioning businessmen, doctors, and lawyers,

able to meet the demands of society “despite having the same

clinical constellations as their less-functioning brethren,

including grandiosity, impulsivity, remorselessness and

shallow affect” (Cleckley, 1976, p. 188; Kiehl & Hoffman,

2011, p. 360). This early clinical view served as the

foundation for a modern definition of psychopathy.

B. Approaching a Definition

Although psychopathy has been observed for

centuries, it was not until the past 40 years that it became a

subject of systematic inquiry and elaboration (Wilson et al.,

2014; Hare, 1999). The term “psychopathy” comes from the

German word psychopastiche (Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011, p.

361). In English, it translates to “mental illness” (from

psyche, meaning “mind,” and pathos, meaning “disease;”

Hare, 1999). Over time, the word has taken on two

definitions: one generic and one scientific (i.e., as

psychopathy is discussed in this article).

In psychological science, psychopathy is viewed

as a construct that “manifests as a syndrome characterized

by a constellation of affective, interpersonal, lifestyle and

antisocial features,” such as grandiosity, deceitfulness, lack

of empathy, callousness, and impulsivity (De Brito et al.,

2021, p. 1). According to Psychologist Robert Hare (1999),

psychopaths can be described as “intraspecies predators who

use charm, manipulation, intimidation, and violence to

control others and to satisfy their own selfish needs. Lacking

in conscience and in feelings for others, they cold-bloodedly

take what they want and do as they please, violating social

norms and expectations without the slightest sense of guilt

or regret” (p. 26). These features of psychopathy were

operationalized by the Hare Psychopathy Checklist—

Revised (PCL-R; Hare, 2003), the most widely used measure

of psychopathy (De Brito et al., 2021). Hare’s four factor

model of psychopathy (Hare, 2003; Hare & Neumann, 2005)

has substantial empirical support and remains the most

popular conception of the construct (see Table 1; Neumann

et al., 2015). Interpersonal and affective factors are

considered particularly important features of psychopathy.

Evidence suggests that affective features, such as lack of

remorse and callousness, are central features of psychopathy

(Preszler et al., 2018; Verschuere et al., 2018). In addition,

affective and interpersonal features distinguish individuals

with psychopathy from individuals with the broader

diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (ASPD; De Brito

et al., 2021).

Throughout the history of the Diagnostic and

Statistical Manual for Mental Disorder (DSM), psychopathy

has been closely tied to ASPD and there is ongoing debate

regarding the diagnostic criteria of and conceptual overlap

between the two (see Crego & Widiger, 2015). Although

antisociality is considered a feature of psychopathy, the two

terms are not synonymous and evidence supports them as

discrete constructs (Neumann et al., 2015). The DSM-5

(American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013) does not

include psychopathy as a personality disorder; however,

ASPD and other Cluster B personality disorders are strongly

associated with psychopathy (De Brito et al., 2021). Instead,

the APA (2013) includes psychopathy in a special section of

the DSM-5 entitled “Alternative DSM-5 Model for

Personality Disorders.” In the DSM-5, psychopathy is

considered a “distinct variant” of ASPD marked by “a lack

of anxiety or fear and by a bold interpersonal style that may

mask maladaptive behaviors” (APA, 2013, p. 765).

Psychopathy is characterized by a combination of high levels

of attention seeking and low levels of withdrawal and

anxiousness. This characterization of psychopathy maps

onto Hare and Cleckley’s conceptualizations well (Crego &

Widiger, 2015) and reflects the particular importance of

affective and interpersonal features.

C. Development and Correlates of

Psychopathy and Violence

There is little consensus regarding how

psychopathy develops and what qualify as necessary or

sufficient causes; however, several theories have been

posited. Theories generally fall within two predominant

models: adevelopmental and developmental (Lynam &

Gudonis, 2005). Adevelopmental theories hold that

psychopathy doesn’t develop, but is the result of underlying

processes (e.g., deficit in response modulation) or traits (e.g.,

lack of fear, impulsivity; Lynam & Gudonis, 2005). Most

developmental theories, on the other hand, hold that inborn

traits (e.g., lack of empathy, unemotional temperament)

interact with environmental factors to produce features of

psychopathy (Lynam & Gudonis, 2005). Regardless of

developmental model, there is robust evidence of underlying

genetic risk for psychopathic traits (De Brito et al., 2021). In

addition, studies have identified a wide range of

environmental risk factors associated with later development

of psychopathic features including prenatal maternal stress,

harsh parental discipline during adolescence, negative

parental emotions, and disrupted family functioning (De

Brito et al., 2021). In addition to these risk factors, there are

several correlates of psychopathy relevant to Rader’s case.

D. Intelligence

There is significant empirical support for a robust

inverse relationship between intelligence and criminality

(e.g., Rushton & Templer, 2009). Unsurprisingly, lower

levels of intelligence have been associated with lifestyle

features (e.g., impulsivity, lack of behavioral control) of

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psychopathy (Heinzen et al., 2011). Mixed results have been

reported regarding the association between other features of

psychopathy and intelligence (e.g., Harpur et al., 1989;

Forth, Hart, & Hare, 1990). Interpersonal features have

previously been positively associated with intelligence

(Vitacco et al., 2005; Neumann & Hare, 2007), but recent

results did not replicate these findings (Heinzen et al., 2011).

Despite a lack of consensus on the association between most

factors of psychopathy and intelligence, higher levels of

intelligence in psychopaths are associated with earlier

initiation of violent crime (Johansson & Kerr, 2005).

E. Childhood Maltreatment

In addition, evidence suggests childhood

maltreatment may play a role in the development of

psychopathy (De Brito et al., 2021). Specifically, a strong

relationship between childhood physical abuse and

antisocial features of psychopathy has been found (Dargis et

al., 2016; Graham et al., 2012). Findings related to other

forms of childhood abuse (e.g., emotional, sexual) are

mixed; however, positive associations between emotional

abuse and psychopathy (Dargis et al., 2016) as well as sexual

abuse and psychopathy have been found (Graham et al.,

2012). Taken together, these results suggest that childhood

maltreatment is related to antisociality and psychopathy.

F. Traumatic Brain Injury and

Neurological Disorders

Substantial evidence supports the association

between brain abnormalities – specifically in areas related to

moral decision making, emotional processing, and

learning—and psychopathy. In addition, connectivity

between these areas (i.e., frontal and temporo-limbic

regions) has been shown to be diminished in psychopaths

(Debowska et al., 2014). Conditions such as frontotemporal

dementia and traumatic brain injury (TBI) are also

associated with psychopathy, and it has been proposed that

disrupted prefrontal cortex connection is the mechanism by

with TBI leads to an increased risk of psychopathy

(Granacher & Fozdar, 2020). In a meta-analysis of traumatic

brain injury studies, Fazel et al. (2009) found that individuals

with a TBI were at greater risk for violent behavior and that

comorbid psychopathology among individuals with TBI was

associated with greater risk of violent behavior. These

findings suggest that brain abnormalities, either congenital

or acquired, may be important risk factors of psychopathy.

G. MacDonald’s Triad

MacDonald’s Triad (MacDonald, 1963) is a set of

three childhood behaviors—fire setting, animal cruelty, and

bedwetting (enuresis)—purportedly associated with later

aggressive, violent, and sadistic behaviors (e.g., murder,

rape). Evidence of the association between the full Triad and

later violent behavior is mixed; however, fire setting and

animal cruelty have emerged as stand-alone correlates of

future violence and criminality (Langevin, 2003; Joubert et

al., 2021; Slavkin, 2001). Conversely, bedwetting seems to

be the weakest correlate of future violence and criminality

(Heath et al., 1984; Slavkin, 2001). Given the mixed results

related to the Triad, some reviewers (e.g., Miller, 2001;

Parfitt et al., 2020) have suggested that each of the three

components be viewed as individual predictors, rather than

as a cluster.

Instead of viewing fire setting and animal cruelty

as direct antecedents of violence, Walters (2012, 2017) has

suggested that they may be more accurately viewed as

expressions of temperamental dimensions that predispose an

individual to act violently (i.e., temperament mediates the

relationship between Triad behaviors and later violent

behaviors). Specifically, he showed that animal cruelty was

highly correlated with fearlessness, whereas fire setting was

highly correlated with disinhibition. In addition, he found

that animal cruelty and fire setting failed to predict violent

offending after controlling for fearlessness and disinhibition,

respectively (Walters, 2017). This suggests that fire setting

and animal cruelty may be behaviors directly associated with

temperament rather than violence.

Particular attention should be paid to animal

cruelty, because of a potential link between violence against

animals and violence against humans. The violence

graduation hypothesis maintains that cruelty against animals

leads to violence against humans in a graduated fashion

(Wright & Hensley, 2003). Although testing of this

hypothesis has resulted in mixed findings (Hensely &

Tallichet, 2009; Hensely, Tallichet, & Dutkiiewicz, 2009;

Walters, 2013), it seems to be the most promising predictor

of the three Triad components.

H. Sexual Fantasies

In two studies of non-clinical samples, Visser et al.

(2015) found that psychopathic traits predicted fantasy

themes of anonymous, uncommitted, nonromantic sexual

activity. In addition, they found that psychopathy predicted

self-reported engagement in dominant, deviant, and

adventurous sexual activity. Notably, participants who

reported high levels of fantasizing about these sexual themes

were more likely to engage in those behaviors if they also

reported high levels of psychopathy. These findings suggest

that psychopathy is an important mediator between sexual

fantasies and sexual behaviors, especially those that are

deviant. In addition, evidence suggests that psychopathy is

positively associated with sadistic paraphilia (i.e., recurrent

intense sexual urges, fantasies, or behaviors involving

nonhuman objects, non-consenting people, or the suffering

of oneself or another; Woodworth et al., 2013). In a study of

sexual murderers, Prentky et al. (1989) found that serial

murderers were more likely than single murderers to be

diagnosed with paraphilia, experience violent fantasies, and

organize their crime scenes (i.e., place bodies and objects in

particular positions and places). The authors concluded that

these results suggested fantasy may be a “presumptive

mechanism for sexual sadism and sexual murder” (Prentky

et al., 1989, p. 890). Taken together these results suggest that

violent, sexual fantasies are more common among

psychopaths than non-psychopaths and that fantasies

experienced by psychopaths may lead to violent sexual

behavior.

3. OBJECTIVE

Dennis Rader is of particular interest because he

does not fit the mold of a conventional serial killer. He had

unique victim preferences, he didn’t kill in quick succession,

Hutnyan: BTK: A Case Study in Psychopathy

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and he communicated with media and law enforcement in a

brazen manner. Moreover, Rader did not appear to

experience many of the adverse life experiences generally

associated with the development of antisocial personality

disorder, psychopathy, or a life of crime generally. Rader’s

is a unique case among psychopaths and serial killers.

Although there exists a plethora of information regarding his

crimes, the literature has lacked a comprehensive review and

synthesis of information related to Rader’s life and crimes.

In addition, little work has been done to analyze his life and

crimes to delineate his psychopathology. This case study

provides a comprehensive review of Rader’s life and crimes,

as well as an analysis of them. Contributing factors to

Rader’s psychopathy as well as implications for public

perception are discussed.

4. METHODS

To gain a better understanding of the life and

crimes of Dennis Rader, a careful review of extant literature

was conducted. PsycINFO and Google Scholar were

searched using the terms “BTK” and “Dennis Rader,”

resulting in a variety of source types, including media

accounts (e.g., newspaper articles), books, and peer-

reviewed journal articles. In addition, Google searches were

conducted to find archived internet pages and media

accounts contemporary with Rader’s crimes. After

synthesizing information known about Rader, a

psychological analysis was performed to approximate how

Rader’s life and crimes relate to and satisfy criteria for

relevant psychopathologies, with particular emphasis placed

on psychopathy.

5. DENNIS RADER’S LIFE

A. Early Life and Education

Dennis Lynn Rader was born March 9, 1945, to

William and Dorothea Rader outside the small town of

Columbus, Kansas (Ramsland, 2016; Douglas & Doddy,

2008). He was the oldest of four boys, all of whom were born

within ten years (Sexton et al., 2005). His father was in the

United States Marine Corps but was discharged and became

employed as a mechanic shortly after Rader’s birth

(Ramsland, 2016). His mother’s occupation throughout her

adult life is mostly unknown. Rader was raised by both of

his biological parents. Many described his mother as

“loving” and his father as “tough but decent” (Magnus,

2005, para. 5).

Rader’s first years were largely spent on his

grandparents’ farm, where his entire family lived in one

house (Douglas & Doddy, 2008). In 1949, he and his family

moved to Wichita, Kansas. There, his parents bought a house

and worked tirelessly to maintain it, eventually crafting a

small garden and chicken coops (Ramsland, 2016). As a boy,

Rader became heavily involved in Zion Lutheran Church

where he was baptized and, at the age of twelve, confirmed

(Douglas & Doddy, 2008; Sexton et al., 2005). In his guided

autobiography, he recalled a time when he swore off cussing,

drinking, sex, and drugs, even returning home on the verge

of tears after a friend of his spoke the name of God

(Ramsland, 2016). In addition, he became involved with the

Boy Scouts.

Although many details of Rader’s school life,

including his academic performance and socialization, are

unknown, it seems as though he was a relatively high-

performing student and kept mostly to himself. According to

an eighth-grade classmate, Rader was bright and did well in

school (Sexton et al., 2005). It has been speculated that

Rader saved a fellow Boy Scout on a canoe trip when he was

fifteen; however, this remains unconfirmed. It is also

unknown whether he was bullied or teased, or if he engaged

in any romantic relationships throughout his adolescence

and teen years (Sexton et al., 2005). In 1963, Rader

graduated from Wichita Heights Valley Center High School

(Douglas & Doddy, 2008).

Two years after graduating from high school he

enrolled at Kansas Wesleyan University where he completed

courses for a year before enlisting in the Air Force (King,

2012; Sylvester, 2007). He served four years as a mechanic

and subsequently returned to Kansas. Rader’s father passed

away in 1966 (Sexton et al., 2005). In 1971, Rader began

working in the meat department of a local grocery store

where his mother had been a bookkeeper. Around the same

time, he married Paula Dietz and began attending Butler

County Community College (Sylvester, 2007; Greene,

2005). Shortly after, he had a brief stint at Coleman

Company, an outdoor supply company, where two of his

victims, Julie Otero and Kathryn Bright, worked around the

same time (Sylvester, 2007). In 1973, he enrolled at Wichita

State University where he eventually earned a bachelor’s

degree in administrative justice (Sexton et al., 2005). During

his time at Wichita State, he became employed by ADT, a

national security company, as an alarm systems installer and

had two children with his wife, Paula. He remained

employed by ADT throughout the commission of most of his

murders, from 1974 to 1988 (Sylvester, 2007; King, 2012;

Eagle Staff, 2019). At one point he applied to the Wichita

Police Department, but was rejected (Sexton et al., 2005).

Three years after leaving ADT, Rader began working as a

compliance supervisor for Park City, Kansas and remained

in that role until his arrest in 2005. His duties included

animal control, city ordinance enforcement, and responding

to nuisance calls (Sexton et al., 2005; Sylvester, 2007).

Throughout his adult life, Rader served as a Boy Scout

leader and as the president of his church, Christ Lutheran

(Eagle Staff, 2019).

Rader’s degree of intelligence is unknown;

however, by many accounts he was a bright, organized man.

Many who knew Rader said he paid great attention to detail

and worked in an organized manner; others viewed him as

controlling (Eagle Staff, 2019). On the other hand, Rader did

not seem to be a talented writer or speller. This was evident

in his communications to the police and press, which

contained many typos and errors (Eagle Staff, 2019). His

first note to law enforcement was so poorly crafted that

authorities believed the author may not have been a native

English speaker (Gray, 2010). This lack of writing ability

could have been because of some sort of mild learning

disability or dyslexia, or it may have been a tactic by Rader

to obfuscate his own characteristics to police (i.e.,

misspelling words was intentional).

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B. Early Indicators of Psychopathy

During his early years, the first signs of

developing psychopathology arose. In his guided

autobiography by Katherine Ramsland (2016), Rader

claimed that he was accidently dropped on his head by his

mother during infancy, which allegedly caused him to stop

breathing and turn blue. He also stated that his mother fell

off a horse and injured herself while pregnant with him.

There is no evidence to support these claims, however, and

their validity is unknown. Rader was knowledgeable about

the scientific evidence related to violence and crime

available at the time, which supported early brain injury and

other neurological disorders as factors in the development of

antisocial personality disorder, violence, and crime (e.g.,

Diaz, 1995; Hibbard et al., 2000; Timonen et al., 2002), so

his account should be regarded with skepticism. Whether

Rader was physically, sexually, or emotionally abused as a

child is also unknown; however, one of his brothers said

their home was without any problems or abuse growing up

and Rader has maintained that he was not abused as a child

(Magnus, 2005; Effron et al., 2019).

While claims of neurological trauma cannot be

verified and Rader was likely not abused as a child, he did

exhibit one important behavioral component of

MacDonald’s Triad (MacDonads, 1963). Whether Rader

experienced enuresis or experimented with fire-setting is

unknown, but it is evident that he participated in animal

cruelty and torture (Ramsland, 2016; Sexton et al., 2005). In

an interview with Ramsland (2016) he admitted to torturing

animals from a young age. In addition, it has been speculated

that during his tenure as a compliance officer, Rader

unnecessarily tranquilized and possibly even killed dogs on

several occasions (King 2012; Sexton et al., 2005). In his

book about Rader, John Douglas (2008) suggested that

Rader’s sadistic tendencies may have started on his

grandparent’s farm. It is reported that Rader wrote in his

journal as a boy about watching his grandmother tear the

heads off chickens and how it gave him a “vaguely sexual

and thoroughly enjoyable” sensation in his stomach

(Douglas & Doddy, 2008). If this account is accurate, it

would provide substantial support to the violence graduation

hypothesis (Wright & Hensley, 2003) and would explain

how Rader’s childhood environment influenced his violent,

sexually charged behavior.

In addition to animal cruelty behavior, he

developed an early fetish for women’s underwear and started

to have violent sexual fantasies about bondage and torture as

early as elementary school (King, 2012). These fantasies

persisted and intensified throughout his life, guiding his

behavior (Gray, 2010). Each of his crimes included elements

of bondage and torture, and after being arrested, he admitted

to stealing his victims’ underwear and wearing it for fun

(King, 2012). Evidence of Rader’s violent sexual fantasies

in childhood and adolescence provides an explanation for his

violent behavior later in life.

Many relevant pieces of information and details

regarding Rader’s life remain unknown. For example,

although it is reported that Rader’s parents were not out of

the ordinary (Magnus, 2005), little detail is known regarding

the home environment or the discipline style of his parents.

In addition, claims of brain injury sustained at an early age

(Ramsland, 2016) cannot be substantiated nor is there

evidence related to parental substance use, Rader’s

substance use, or Rader’s romantic relationships and sexual

experiences in adolescence.

6. BTK’S CRIMES

Between 1974 and 1991, Dennis Rader murdered

ten people. In all cases, he bound them and then strangled,

shot, or stabbed them. His known victims ranged from nine-

years-old to 62 years old (King, 2012). Two of them worked

with Rader, and all the murders were committed within a

three-and-a-half-mile radius of each other. Rader used his

education, training, and occupations to locate victims and his

organized and highly structured lifestyle aided him in

accomplishing these crimes without raising suspicion

(Hickey, 2012).

A. Fantasies, Murders, and Taunts

When Rader reached adulthood, the fantasies that

he developed in adolescence grew more pervasive. The

content of his fantasies became more violent, specific, and

insatiable. According to Rader (as cited in Magnus, 2005),

[He] started working out [a] fantasy in [his]

mind. And once that potential—that person

[became] a fantasy, [he] could just loop it

over. [He] could lay in bed at night and think

about this person, the events and how it

[would] happen. And it would become[…]

real, almost like a picture show[… He]

wanted to go ahead and produce it and direct

it and go through with it. No matter what the

costs were, the consequences. It was gonna

happen one way or another. Maybe not that

day, but it was gonna happen. (para. 8).

Rader’s murders were not committed in quick succession.

Instead, he utilized long “cooling-off” periods, as he called

them, of months or years. During these periods, Rader

would troll (i.e., hunt) for his next victim while engaging in

autoerotic fantasy. As he hunted for his victims, he learned

their habits and routines, which caused him to become

increasingly aroused. In this way, the trolling phase was

akin to foreplay for Rader. His autoerotic fantasies and

masturbation habits were aided by several trophies he

collected from victims after murdering them. These were

used to satisfy his sexual cravings between murders (Bonn,

2019). In addition to masturbation, Rader would dress in

his victims’ clothing, tie himself up, and lay down in

shallow graves (Gray, 2010). Rader’s crimes demonstrated

the process by which fantasies build to action: internal

practice (i.e., repetitively picturing fantasies playing out),

self-reinforcement (e.g., masturbating while fantasizing),

and the reinforcement of acting out one’s fantasies (e.g.,

becoming gratified by murdering; Gray, 2010; Visser et al.,

2015). His fantasies seemed to shape his behavior. This

pattern began with his first murders, which were likely

precipitated by a convergence of intense fantasies and life

stressors.

In January of 1974, Rader was laid off from his job

and was experiencing mental distress as a result. He began

“trolling” for his first victim by scouting different

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neighborhoods, including along Edgemoor Drive where his

former coworker Julie Otero lived (Magnus, 2005). On the

morning of January 15, after several days of planning, Rader

cut the phone lines at the Otero residence and forced his way

into their house. He killed four members of the family,

including both parents and two of their five children, by

strangling them with cord from their window blinds (Effron

et al., 2019; Sexton et al., 2005). Joseph and Julie Otero were

bound at the ankles and wrists, and Julie was found gagged

on the bed. Their son, Joseph Otero Jr., was also bound and

his head was covered with three hoods. Most gruesomely,

the Otero’s eleven-year-old daughter, Josephine, was found

gagged, hanging naked from a pipe in the basement (Sexton

et al., 2005). According to court testimony, after killing the

others, Rader removed her clothes and led to her to the

basement where he told her “’Well, honey, you’re going to

be in heaven with the rest of your family,’” and then

masturbated while she hanged (as cited in Coates, 2005,

para. 9).

Three months later, Rader struck again. His next

victim was Kathy Bright, another coworker of his at

Coleman Company. He selected her randomly, as he did

with the Otero’s (Magnus, 2005). On April 4, 1974, Rader

attempted to murder Kathy but encountered her brother,

Kevin, unexpectedly. Rader forced Kevin to bind and gag

Kathy, then he bound Kevin and attempted to strangle him.

Kevin broke free of his restraints and a struggle ensued.

After wounding Kathy with a knife and Kevin with a

handgun, Rader fled. Kevin survived, but his sister died in

the hospital (Sexton et al., 2005).

His next two victims, Shirley Vian and Nancy Fox,

were not murdered until 1977. Both were bound, gagged,

and strangled to death, Vian by rope and Fox by belt (Sexton

et al., 2005). Rader’s voice was recorded when he made a 9-

1-1 call to report Fox’s murder (Sylvester, 2017). Although

this voice recording was a promising piece of evidence, it

never directly led to progress in the police investigation of

the crimes.

Between 1974 and 1979, he sent several taunting

letters to the police and new media outlets in which he

revealed details of the crimes that were unknown to the

public, claiming that he had committed the murders (King,

2012). In addition, he demanded media attention and posited

nicknames that the public could give him, including “BTK”

for “bind them, torture them, and kill them,” his modus

operandi (King, 2012; Eagle Staff, 2019). Some of his

communications included pictures of victims, both living

and deceased souvenirs he had collected. He utilized a

special signature: the letters “B,” “T,” and “K,” with the “B”

in the shape of breasts (Eagle Staff, 2019). The letters

stopped in 1979.

Rader’s final three victims were Marine Hedge,

Vicki Wegerle, and Dolores Davis (Eagle Staff, 2019).

Hedge was abducted from her home blocks from Rader’s on

April 27, 1985 (Sylvester, 2007). She was later found in a

roadside ditch, having been strangled by hand (Sexton et al.,

2005). Wegerle was strangled in her home in September of

1986; this time Rader used a nylon stocking (Sylvester,

2007; Sexton et al., 2005). This crime was not initially

attributed to Rader. His final known victim, Dolores Davis,

was strangled with pantyhose in January of 1991. Like

Hedge, she was abducted from her home and later found

dumped in a ditch (Sexton et al., 2005; Effron et al., 2019).

After killing these women Rader became dormant for many

years.

In all his crimes, Rader maintained a high level of

control over his victims (Douglas & Doddy, 2008). He was

methodical, but adaptable. He tied his victims with rope or

whatever was handy, utilized a garrote or plastic bags to

strangulate or suffocate his victims, and ceremoniously

arranged the victims’ bodies. Before leaving some scenes,

such as the Otero home, he masturbated (Douglas & Doddy,

2008). He was well-practiced in his murder techniques.

According to testimony of Detective Clint Snyder, Rader

practiced squeezing a rubber ball to strengthen his hands so

that they would not go numb while he strangled victims

(Coates, 2005). In addition, he spent lengthy periods of time

preparing for his projects. He used a specific type of knot on

all his victims and each of the victims shared specific

piercings and locations of injury because of Rader’s actions.

These are indicators that Rader was trying to replicate a

fantasy scheme which he had created in preparation for the

murders (Gray, 2010).

B. The Return

After nearly twenty-five years, Rader’s need for

public attention brought him out of the shadows. On January

17, 2004, the Wichita Eagle published a story

commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the first BTK

murders. Journalist Hurst Laviana reported that many

Wichitans had not heard of BTK, interviewing a lawyer who

said that when he spoke about the murders at a local high

school, many students were surprised to know that such

crimes had been committed in Wichita. This outraged Rader.

In March, he sent a letter to the newspaper to set the record

straight. In it, he took credit for the killing of Vicki Wegerle,

an unsolved case that was not publicly attributed to BTK at

the time. He included a photocopy of three pictures of

Wegerle and a copy of her missing driver’s license, the only

thing reported missing at the scene of the crime (Eagle Staff,

2019).

In another communique, Rader asked police if

they would be able to catch him if he used a computer disc

to communicate with them, to which they replied in the

classified section of a local newspaper that they would not

be able to. He fell for their lie (Hansen, 2006). Rader’s final

communication was in the form of a floppy disk (a type of

disk storage for digital data) filled with puzzles and taunts,

which he sent to a local TV station (Magnus, 2005). The disc

contained the name “Dennis” in the metadata and the police

were able to trace it to Rader’s church. A quick Google

search revealed that “Dennis” was Rader (King, 2012;

Magnus, 2005).

When Rader reemerged in 2004, he let his guard

down. After a long period of silence, he believed that police

investigators were his “comrades and colleagues,” and that

they would tell him the truth if he asked for it (Douglas &

Doddy, 2008, p. 6). Ultimately, this false belief led to his

downfall. After narrowing in on Rader, police subpoenaed a

DNA sample from the medical records of Kerri Rawson,

Rader’s daughter. They matched this sample to DNA found

under Wegerle’s nails as well as DNA found at the Otero and

Fox crime scenes (Eagle Staff, 2019).

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C. Arrest and Legal Proceedings

Rader was arrested in February of 2005, eleven

months after resuming contact with the media and police

(Coates, 2005). He was 59 years old when he was captured.

At that time, he lived in Park City, Kansas and had been

married for 33 years (Douglas & Doddy, 2008). Rader was

booked on suspicion of 10 counts of first-degree murder

(Eagle Staff, 2019). After his arrest, Rader’s wife was

granted an emergency divorce and a judge waived the

normal 60-day waiting period based on the circumstances

(Greene, 2005; Effron et al., 2019).

During the initial interrogation Rader expressed

shock that police investigators would intentionally deceive

him regarding the computer disc. He felt that he had built a

good rapport with Lieutenant Ken Ladwehr of the Wichita

police department, in particular (Hansen, 2006). Ladwehr

recalled that Rader, “‘couldn’t get over the fact that [he]

would lie to him’” and that, after bringing up the floppy disk

several times, said “‘I really thought Ken was honest[…]

when he gave me the signal it can’t be traced’” (as cited in

Hansen, 2006, para. 12). Rader was angered the police

would lie to capture him. Despite this, he enjoyed discussing

his crimes and was proud to confess to police what he had

done (Magnus, 2005).

Rader stood silent during his arraignment on May

3, 2005, which caused Judge Greg Waller to enter pleas of

not guilty for all 10 counts of murder on his behalf (Strongin

& Laviana, 2005; Eagle Staff, 2019). However, on the

scheduled trial date Rader changed his pleas to guilty on all

counts and subsequently described his crimes in detail

(Eighteenth Judicial District Court of Kansas, 2005; “Anger

over confessions,” 2005). Listeners, including attorneys,

journalists, victims’ families, and members of the public,

described Rader’s courtroom account of the murders as

“emotionless,” “cold,” and “heartless” (“Anger over

confessions,” 2005).

After a pre-sentencing investigation was

conducted, the court convened for sentencing. Over the

course of an arduous two-day hearing, Judge Waller heard

from Rader as well as families of the victims. In Rader’s 30-

minute allocution address, he rambled about the Bible, his

gratefulness for family and friends, and the praise he had for

the law enforcement officials that caught him (Coates,

2005). Victims’ families passionately argued for harsh

sentencing and expressed the emotional pain that Rader’s

actions caused them. By the end, Waller found “no evidence

of mitigating factors” and sentenced Rader to ten

consecutive life sentences, a minimum of one-hundred-and-

seventy-five years in prison without the possibility of

parole—the harshest sentence permitted (Coates, 2005, p. 1;

“Anger over confessions,” 2005; Magnus, 2005). Rader was

ineligible for the death penalty because between 1972 and

1994, the state of Kansas did not utilize it; he ended his

killing spree three years prior to Kansas’ reintroduction of

capital punishment (Eagle Staff, 2019; Coates, 2005).

After sentencing, Rader was transported to El

Dorado Correctional Facility in Butler County, Kansas

where he remains incarcerated as of the publication of this

article (Kansas Department of Corrections [KDC], 2019).

He lives in an 8-foot-by-10-foot cell under special

management and is granted only one hour a day, five days a

week, to shower and exercise. Less than a year after

sentencing, Rader was granted special privileges of TV and

radio usage for good behavior; however, unknown recent

disciplinary infractions may have jeopardized those

privileges (“Jail perks,” 2006; KDC, 2019). Although Rader

appealed his convictions, his attorney later withdrew the

appeal for reasons unknown (“Killer abandons appeal,”

2006). It is likely that Rader will spend the rest of his life in

prison.

In addition to criminal charges, Rader also faced

lawsuits from the families of all 10 of his victims (Magnus,

2005). The lawsuits were filed for a variety of reasons,

including wrongful death and emotional distress

experienced by the victims’ families. Some families

expressed that their primary concern was preventing Rader

from profiting off the sale of his story (Finger, 2005). Rader

and the victims’ families eventually reached a settlement,

which called for the families to receive 75% of the royalties

from any future sale of books, movies, or appearances that

Rader may pursue related to the murders (“Relatives settle

lawsuit,” n.d.).

7. RESULTS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL

ANALYSIS

Dennis Rader was interviewed following his

guilty pleas by Psychologist Robert Mendoza and was

diagnosed with narcissistic, antisocial, and obsessive-

compulsive personality disorders. Mendoza highlighted

Rader’s excessive need for attention, his lack of empathy for

his victims, and his preoccupation with rigid structure and

order (Ramsland, 2016). To expound upon Mendoza’s

diagnosis of Rader, diagnostic criteria for narcissistic

personality disorder (NPD) and ASPD are reviewed and

features of psychopathy exemplified by Rader are discussed.

A. Psychopathy

Dennis Rader is considered by many experts to be

a quintessential psychopath (“Anger over confessions,”

2005; Bonn, 2019). Psychologist Howard Brodsky, who

consulted with Wichita police on the case, categorized Rader

as a goal-oriented psychopath because he operated

methodically and purposely surrounded himself with

relatively naïve people who would not catch on to his secret

life (“Anger over confessions,” 2005). While Rader clearly

exhibited many features of psychopathy, in some important

ways he was an unconventional psychopath.

The affective factor of psychopathy is comprised

of four items: lack of remorse, shallow affect, callousness or

lack of empathy, and failure to accept responsibility. Rader

demonstrated shallow affect, lack of remorse, and lack of

empathy throughout his court proceedings. He listened to the

judge read the details of the crime with a blank look on his

face, interrupting at points to correct minor details. When it

was his turn to speak, he delivered the details of his crimes

to the court in a cold, matter-of-fact manner, sparing no

detail and shedding only few insincere-seeming tears. He

expressed hope that God would accept him after all that he

had done—a sign of selfish concern. This type of cold,

rational explanation of one’s actions is characteristic of a

psychopath’s tendency toward shallow emotion and lack of

empathy (Gray, 2010). Since the trial, Rader has expressed

no remorse or regret regarding his crimes and takes little

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responsibility. He views himself as a “natural born predator”

who is driven to kill by an urge that he cannot understand or

conquer (Bonn, 2019, para. 12). In a letter to his daughter

while in prison he claimed that life before he began

murdering was good and that “the dark side took [him]

away” (Effron et al., 2019, p. 2). The same person that

craved attention and credit for the murders took little blame

for what others viewed as wrongdoing.

In addition to Rader’s affective features of

psychopathy, he demonstrated interpersonal features of

superficial charm, pathological lying, manipulativeness, and

a grandiose sense of self-worth. While Rader was not

particularly smooth or charming and he did not have the

handsome quality of a serial killer like Ted Bundy, he was

known in his community as an upstanding, dependable

person (Sexton et al., 2005; Gray, 2010). One news outlet

covering the court proceedings reported that Rader “looked

eerily normal for the crimes he was about to confess” and a

child of one of his victims said he looked “very upstanding

and respectable” in the courtroom (“Anger over

confessions,” 2005, para. 15; Strongin & Laviana, 2005,

para. 12). His persona was unassuming and innocent: a

church president, Boy Scout leader, and blue-collar worker.

Although there are no direct accounts of Rader being a

pathological liar or a particularly manipulative person, one

can assume that to successfully live a double life for 30

years, Rader would have had to lied on numerous occasions

to family, friends, and coworkers. Lastly, and most

importantly, Rader possessed a grandiose sense of self-

worth. This is most evident in his communication with law

enforcement and news outlets. In his letters, Rader

demanded media attention and gave suggestions for what

people might refer to him as, eventually settling on “BTK.”

He desired infamy for his crimes.

While Rader exhibited nearly all the affective and

interpersonal features of psychopathy, there is mixed

evidence regarding lifestyle features. For example, three

lifestyle features of psychopathy are a need for stimulation

or proneness to boredom, a lack of long-term goals, and

irresponsibility. While it is unclear whether Rader exhibited

these in his daily life, the pattern of his crimes suggests he

was patient and methodical. He waited months and years at

a time between crimes and seemed to plan them with

exacting detail. In addition, Rader maintained steady

employment and was involved in his community throughout

his adult life. These factors suggest that Rader was goal-

oriented, occupied his time well, and maintained several

commitments for long periods of time. Rader also did not

seem to live a parasitic lifestyle. He provided for his family

financially and there is no evidence to suggest that he

maintained parasitic personal relationships.

The final lifestyle feature of psychopathy,

impulsivity, is comprised of four distinct facets: urgency,

lack of premeditation, lack of perseverance, and sensation

seeking (Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). Rader’s crimes were

not indicative of a sense of urgency, nor do they lack

premeditation or perseverance. The opposite is true: Rader

waited for months and years between crimes, planned them

well, and saw them through even in the face of adversity

(e.g., killing Kathy Bright despite an unexpected struggle).

However, the nature of Rader’s crimes is indicative of

sensation seeking. His fantasies were intense, and he derived

great pleasure from enacting them on his victims. This

reflects an element of risk taking present in psychopaths like

Rader after they have considered the likely outcomes or

consequences (i.e., anticipation and planning). Indeed,

evidence suggests that interpersonal and affective features of

psychopathy, which Rader displayed, are only strongly

associated with the sensation seeking facet of impulsivity

(Poythress & Hall, 2011). Taken together, these results

suggest that Rader did not exhibit many lifestyle features of

psychopathy, but that he was a sensation seeker.

The final factor of psychopathy is antisociality.

This factor includes poor behavioral controls, early

behavioral problems, juvenile delinquency, revocation of

conditional release, and criminal versatility. This factor is

the most difficult to evaluate Rader on due to a lack of

evidence. Since his arrest, Rader has never been

conditionally released. In addition, there is no evidence that

Rader used or misused substances, engaged in risky sexual

behaviors, or gambled. He had no record of juvenile

delinquency, and the only evidence of early behavioral

problems is self-reported animal cruelty. Although Rader

may have abused animals in his adult life (e.g., tranquilizing

dogs unnecessarily), his known crimes are limited to

sexually charged murder.

B. Antisocial and Narcissistic Personality

Disorders

ASPD is characterized by a “pervasive pattern of

disregard for and violation of the rights of others” (APA,

2013, p. 659). For this diagnosis to be given, an individual

must be an adult and have a history of conduct disorder

symptoms (i.e., repetitive or persistent pattern of behaviors

that violate others or are inconsistent with age-related

societal norms) during childhood or adolescence. Rader

clearly meets most criteria for ASPD, including a lack of

conformation to social norms with respect to lawful

behaviors (e.g., his crimes), deceitfulness (e.g., his use of

aliases, living a double life), aggressiveness (e.g., the violent

nature of his crimes), reckless disregard for the safety of self

or others (e.g., killing others, putting himself at risk of death

or arrest), and, perhaps most importantly, a total lack of

remorse (e.g., his indifference toward the suffering he

caused his victims and their families). As discussed

previously, however, Rader was not irresponsible (e.g., he

maintained steady employment and community

involvement) and he was not impulsive in the sense of failing

to plan ahead. Although it is unclear to what extent he

exhibited symptoms of conduct disorder in his youth (e.g.,

evidence only substantiates Rader fulfilling one criterion:

physical cruelty toward animals), it is reasonable to conclude

that Rader meets criteria for ASPD.

NPD is characterized by a “pervasive pattern of

grandiosity (in fantasy or behavior), need for admiration, and

lack of empathy” (APA, 2013, p. 669). Rader meets nearly

every diagnostic criterion. As discussed previously, he

demonstrates a wide variety of narcissistic traits, including a

grandiose sense of self-importance, a preoccupation with

fantasies of power, a belief in his own “specialness,” a need

for excessive admiration, a sense of entitlement,

interpersonal exploitation, lack of empathy, and heightened

arrogance. Interpersonal exploitation was the central

characterization of Rader’s crimes: he bound, tortured, and

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killed for his own pleasure—to satiate his sexually motivated

desire to inflict pain. He had no regard for his victims’ pain

and suffering. He saw them as “projects” not people (Eagle

Staff, 2019, p. 7). In addition, Rader believed that his form

of murder was unique. Criminologist Scott Bonn

communicated with Rader via letter mail from 2011 to 2013.

In his letters to Bonn, Rader expressed his pride in the fact

that he did not just kill one demographic—the usual young,

white woman—but rather he killed men, women, and

children with equal pleasure. He believed this made him

better and more important than the average serial killer:

while he was free, no one was safe (Bonn, 2019). Rader

enjoyed feeling special and wanted others to fear him.

His sense of self-importance and need for

excessive admiration were evident in his communications

with the press and police, which ultimately led to his arrest

and conviction. Rader sought public recognition for his

crimes and felt entitled to receive it. He believed that he

could get away with his crimes; he was so confident that he

incriminated himself by sending law enforcement

identifiable information. Rader admitted to Bonn that he

“eagerly contributed to the social construction of his own

gruesome public identity when he instructed his pursuers to

call him ‘Bind, Torture, Kill’” in his October 1974 letter

(Bonn, 2019, para. 8). Rader created his own public image

via his letter-writing campaign. He wanted to be identified

in a particular way using a title that was terrifying. He knew

that the letters were not just engaging journalists and

authorities, but that they were engaging a public audience.

He chose his words carefully in each letter to craft a self-

gratifying and fear-mongering narrative. His desire for

recognition of his actions is most evident in the letter he sent

after his seventh murder, in which he asks, “‘How many do

I have to kill before I get a name in the paper or some

national recognition?’” (as cited in Bonn, 2019, para. 10).

He also enjoyed the attention he received after his arrest. In

his interview with Robert Mendoza, the first words out of

Rader’s mouth were “‘I feel like I’m a star right now’” (as

cited in Magnus, 2005, p. 1). Rader believed that “ego is the

key” for a serial killer like himself (Ramsland, 2016, p. 23).

Without ego, he claimed, there is no motivation to kill.

8. DISCUSSION

Dennis Rader was a seemingly ordinary man with

a dark obsession. He fantasized about sexually gratifying

violence from the time he was a boy. In binding, torturing,

and killing 10 people while living his double life, Rader

demonstrated his severe antisocial personality and

psychopathy. By demanding attention from law enforcement

and news media outlets through his letter-writing campaign,

he demonstrated his narcissism. Motivated by fantasies and

sustained by a detail-oriented style, he killed over several

years and managed to allude capture for decades. It is

difficult to ascertain the extent to which each aspect of

Rader’s life (e.g., genetics, socialization) contributed to his

violent behavior from a review of literature alone; however,

it appears that his behavior was motivated primarily by

intense, violent sexual fantasies and that a desire for

admiration and lack of empathy were sufficient mechanisms

of disinhibition.

Many relevant aspects of Rader’s life remain

unknown or unsubstantiated. For example, his claim of early

childhood brain injury is unreliable, but if confirmed, would

provide a possible explanation for his behavioral

pathologies. Other, better understood aspects of his life, such

as his childhood experience of watching chickens be

slaughtered, provide insight into how Rader’s early life

experiences shaped his fantasies and behavior. Witnessing

the graphic violence of animal slaughter at a young age

intrigued Rader and may have desensitized him to violence.

Given the commonality of this type of experience in the

United States, it is likely that cognitive or affective

pathologies (e.g., enjoying the sight of pain or death) may

have influenced Rader’s perception of what he saw. This

early experience was clearly salient given the feeling he

reported feeling in response and the subsequent development

of violent sexual fantasies.

In addition, Rader developed an extremely

narcissistic personality. He was arrogant and craved

attention for his crimes. After years of silence and no reason

to believe that law enforcement officials suspected him,

Rader began writing letters again. This decision was

inherently risky and served him no purpose other than the

potential of more infamy. In this way, his premeditation and

perseverance were betrayed by his narcissism.

This case study widens the scope of inquiry into

an individual psychopath, providing a unique example of

psychopathy and advancing public understanding of Dennis

Rader’s life and crimes. Many accounts of Rader’s crimes

exist, but little work has been done to synthesize these with

psychopathology literature to gain a better understanding of

how his life and crimes are related and how he exemplifies

psychopathic characteristics. This case study demonstrates

the possible impact that early life events can have on an

individual’s psychopathology, but also reveals how little is

known about the causes of certain behaviors.

Examining Rader’s life also contributes to an

enhanced public understanding of how psychopathy can be

manifested in an individual and may help to dispel some

myths related to the popular conception of the term.

According to Skeem et al. (2011), “psychopathy remains a

poorly understood concept reflecting some combination of

our childhood fears of the bogeyman, our adult fascination

with human evil, and perhaps even our envy of people who

appear to go through life unencumbered by feelings of guilt,

anguish, and insecurity” (p. 96). This lack of understanding

is troubling since it is estimated that two to three people per

100 may be psychopaths (Hare, 1999). Dennis Rader

provides a counterpoint to some of the misconceptions

generally held regarding psychopathy. Rader’s case

demonstrates that psychopathy manifests in heterogenous

and unexpected ways. It is not caused by childhood abuse or

neurological trauma alone, nor is it an exclusively genetic

syndrome. Most importantly, Rader demonstrates that

psychopaths are not immediately identifiable; they are not a

caricature of evil as seen in the movies. Rader was able to

successfully live a double life for decades – his public image

was well-groomed. According to Gray (2010),

The notion of a perfectly ordinary serial killer

is baffling. The enormity of these acts

demands that the people who commit them

must be monsters. We are given to believe we

should be able to identify the monsters… we

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expect monsters to wear their evil plainly, on

their faces and in their flesh. We want to think

of them as insane, or possessed, or something

dark and different, but we come to understand

that the monsters appear as we do and walk

among us with the appearance of respectable

citizens. (p. 191).

Rader’s life and crimes provide an example that, if

understood, allows for a more accurate understanding of

psychopathy, how it may manifest, and to what degree it can

be hidden.

The life and crimes of Dennis Rader provide a

strong example in a growing case for why further research

on risk factors, clinical manifestations, and factors of

psychopathy, as well as serial murder and sexual sadism is

necessary. Review and analysis of similar cases should be

conducted on other serial killers and identified psychopaths

to gain a better understanding of the risk factors that underly

psychopathy and the motivations that underly serial murder.

In addition, a more holistic approach is required to better

understand the way that biological and sociocultural factors

interact to produce psychopathy and violent behavior.

9. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to Dr. James Calvert for his guidance

on the writing and editing of this manuscript and for his

mentorship throughout my undergraduate career. His

engaging lectures and caring nature have been an

inspiration to many students, including me. Thank you to

the faculty and staff of the Department of Psychology, the

Hamilton family, and the staff of the Office of Engaged

Learning for their generous support of my undergraduate

research.

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11. APPENDIX: FOUR FACTORS OF PSYCHOPATHY

Factor

Behavioral Description

Factor Label

Factor 1

Glibness and/or superficial charm

Grandiose sense of self-worth

Pathological lying

Conning and/or manipulative

Interpersonal

Factor 2

Lack of remorse or guilt

Shallow affect

Callous and/or lack of empathy

Failure to accept responsibility

Affective

Factor 3

Need for stimulation

Parasitic lifestyle

Lack of realistic, long-term goals

Impulsivity

Irresponsibility

Lifestyle

Factor 4

Poor behavioral controls

Early behavioral problems

Juvenile delinquency

Revocation of conditional release

Criminal versatility

Antisocial

Note. These are the four factors of psychopathy as operationalized by the Hare Psychopathy Checklist

– Revised (Hare, 2003). Table adapted from Bartol & Bartol (2018).

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