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Teaching and Learning Science in an Urban School:
Analogy as a Key to Communal Science Pedagogy
Christopher Emdin
City University of New York
Abstract
This article articulates the results of an ongoing study in an urban school in New York City
in which student and teacher researchers engage in practices that support the science
success of the schools’ predominantly Latino/a and African American population. By
situating the study in the nature of corporate and communal practices, the article
demonstrates the necessity for an expansion of approaches to teaching and learning that
includes students’ ways of knowing. Furthermore, the article shows the emergence of
analogy as an outcome of embracing communal teaching practices.
For educators and researchers interested in urban teaching and learning, it is necessary to
deconstruct the modes of thought and practice that currently influence urban education. It is also
important for us to discuss how these factors impact urban schools and communities. As a
science educator, I realize that this requires a critical questioning of current societal thoughts on
science education. This involves the use of cogenerative dialogues where students and teachers
have joint conversations about their experiences inside and outside of classrooms and reach
collective decisions about the rules, roles, and responsibilities that govern their everyday lives
(Roth, Tobin & Zimmerman, 2002). By employing cogenerative dialogues, we embark on
conversations about the culture of urban schools and the complexities of the relationships among
the varying factions within these schools.
In order to come into a full understanding of the issues at play within urban schools, it is
necessary to acknowledge that in the United States, the general population is conditioned to look
at schools as a militarized, orderly place where all students (particularly in science classes) look,
sit, and interact in a certain way, learn specified information, and then possibly graduate. Schools
function under the premise of western, middle class ideals that mirror economic productivity
models of knowledge creation and dissemination determined by the scholars in a specific field
(Diamond, 1999). We are further conditioned to see the science classroom as a place where
students are trained to be successful at specific tasks, learn a prescribed amount of information
and then utilize this information to benefit society (Tyack & Cuban, 1995; Ravitch, 2000). This
ideology stems from the historical function of science classrooms as the gateway to the nations’
economic and technologic livelihood in the global sphere of science achievement.
In the post Cold War era, we carry notions of a national competition against other countries
that was fueled by the Russian launch of Sputnik in 1957 (Kliebard, 2004), and have been
focused on a rhetoric for science education that supports economic efficiency and performance
based outcomes ever since. These commonly accepted notions on science education abandon
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communal approaches that contextualize schools by considering factors like the racial, ethnic,
sexual, gender, socioeconomic, and religious backgrounds of students into teaching and learning
science. The abandonment of these critical factors can be linked to the populations targeted for
success in science (predominantly white males) in the United States and the variance in
American mainstream ideologies from those from populations that are more entrenched in
communal practices.
Communal approaches to science education are informed by the aforementioned factors and
are based on ideologies and practices that critically address difference and values co-
responsibility and co-ownership despite difference. These are attributes that are prevalent in
populations that value attributes like interdependence among groups and do not fit into the
generalized independent nature of achievement of the mainstream American population (Markus
& Kitayama, 1991).
In science classes where communal practices are implemented, there is as much focus on the
interactions between teachers and students as there is between students and the subject matter.
Unfortunately, science classrooms are oftentimes so deeply ingrained in the fabric of corporate
practices that are far removed from students’ ways of knowing that the perception is that any
thing other than a strict adherence to the scientific method, memorization of facts and testing of
science knowledge has little use because of its lack of an ultimate, tangible economic return. The
result of this practice is to have science education stand as an extension of the hegemonic arm of
education in urban schools that serves the sole purpose of maintaining the status quo and valuing
meritocracy and economic competitiveness by teaching students to pass exams and not learn the
beauty of science, its relevance to their lives and become scientifically literate (Black, 2004; Puk
& Haines, 1999). Consequently we see a lack of interest in science that can only be repaired
through the enactment of communal practices that reclaim ownership of science and expands
agency in urban science classes for historically marginalized students. It is therefore imperative
to have an ongoing critique of, and plan to, redesign teaching and learning of science in urban
schools in order to move these institutions to becoming more communal and therefore more
genuine parts of students’ lives (Cook-Sathan, 2002).
The research in this study addresses a seemingly unconventional approach to science
teaching and learning that illuminates some of the issues that support transforming science
education for inner city students. It reflects the discoveries that emerged from research being
done with African American and Latino/a students in physics and chemistry classes in an urban
school in New York City.
Student rituals and culturally relevant analogies: Analogy and metaphor as a key to
communal practice
In this study, the research has discovered that heightened levels of emotional energy,
synchrony, and student interest are achieved when analogies that are culturally relevant to
students are enacted in the classroom. These culturally relevant analogies are a staple of student
conversations when they try to explain chemistry and physics topics to each other. They are also
present when students want to make sense of topics that they find challenging. As a result of this
discovery, I echo the sentiment that “expressing an analogy orally and putting it into the public
sphere in the classroom can serve as a basis for communication about the object or concept”
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(Tobin, Elmesky, & Seiler, 2005, p.123). Furthermore, “the construction of such a figure of
speech provides a link between the micro/individual level and the meso level where learning
occurs” (Tobin, Elmesky, & Seiler, 2005, p.123).
The discovery of the ameliorating qualities of these analogies occurred via an initial process
of having students who were performing well in their physics and chemistry classrooms tutor
their peers. Students and teachers studied the videotapes of these tutoring sessions and students
extracted vignettes from the videotapes where their peers either appeared to be most engaged in
the lesson or that they would describe as examples of good teaching. The selected vignettes
almost always included instances where the students used culturally relevant analogies to
describe concepts in physics or chemistry.
As a cogenerative dialogue group, student/teacher researchers discussed the emergence of
analogy in instances that were described as good teaching. They decided to move beyond these
few classroom videotapes and co-generate mechanisms for the establishment of analogy on a
more consistent basis in the classrooms. Since student-researchers had identified culturally
relevant analogies as a key component of successful interactions, student/teacher researchers
decided to look at and discuss practices that stem from the use of analogy and metaphor that may
possibly support teachers in their pedagogical practices.
Through conversations with student researchers in cogenerative dialogue sessions about the
extracted vignettes, the research uncovered that students not only identified instances where
these analogies were used as examples of good teaching but could discuss the scientific concepts
described by the teacher more accurately in instances where relevant analogies accompanied the
instruction. By studying the ways that students taught each other physics and chemistry concepts,
teachers were able to engage in an active process of deconstructing their perceptions of good
teaching while reconstructing new approaches to pedagogy based on student perspectives.
With an active process of learning and researching students’ lived worlds in place, the
teachers were better able to enact culturally relevant analogies and expand the frameworks for
teacher and student knowledge on a particular topic. The use of culturally relevant ways of
explaining and describing (similes, metaphors, dialects) are “capable of giving us a new
understanding of our experience. Thus they can give new meaning to our pasts, to our daily
activity, and to what we know and believe” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p.139). They also provide
an initial step for teachers to enter into student lived worlds.
As opportunities for use of culturally relevant phenomena expanded in this study, they
became an entry point for teacher interest in students lived worlds and caused the teachers
involved to be more willing to learn more about their students’ lives outside of school. The
results of this portion of the study led to the conclusion that in instances where teachers actively
searched for and utilized these analogies, they increased their cultural capital with students,
became more culturally aware of student perspectives, developed more powerful lesson planning
and fostered fluidity in interactions with students.
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Symbolic and cultural toolkits in the science classroom
An individual’s cultural toolkit encompasses an individual’s schema and practices as they
combine to create how one interacts within a field (Swidler, 1986; DiMaggio, 1997). An
individual’s experiences, background, and ways of knowing form a belief system (schema) that
is directly related to ones practices (Roth & Tobin, 2002). In many instances, teacher’s schema
and practices are supportive of assimilation into a corporate science-teaching framework.
Science education courses and professional development offerings often emphasize a
command of teaching techniques that focus more on an appropriation of canonical subject matter
knowledge than they do on effective teaching and learning techniques for diverse populations.
Teachers’ experiences in these courses become a component of their cultural toolkits and are
enacted in classroom settings often times as an antithesis to the communal practices that are
necessary for transformative science education. As teachers enact corporate culture as a result of
the components of their toolkits, the process of making allowances for student culture becomes
difficult. Instances where students would be able to provide examples for each other to help
support their learning are not allowed to flourish because oftentimes teachers have become
entrenched in a strict question and answer model that does not make allowances for students’
ways of knowing (Vermunt &Verloop, 1999). The design and planning of lessons that are more
communally grounded and culturally relevant to students rarely happens because that structure
does not fit into the corporate classroom model and the cultural toolkits that teachers are
prepared with.
The move to conscious praxis: From cultural to physical toolkits
In the next step of this study, we began to focus on the development of the cultural toolkits
discussed in the previous section and the development of a physical toolkit of analogies that
developed as result of this study. Beginning with the observations of increased eye contact,
heightened emotional energy, fewer breaks in conversation, and head nods when students
explained specific concepts using analogies to their peers, teacher and student researchers looked
at instances where these same markers for student interest occurred in the teacher led classroom.
When teachers entered the classroom and used analogies both with and without prior planning,
the same markers for student interest were present. In addition, as teachers became more closely
involved with students’ ways of knowing by watching videotapes and observing when students
explained work to each other, their actions and dispositions began to change. Teachers picked up
practices from students that over time became part of their cultural toolkits.
These new practices resulted in teachers sitting on eye level with students, giving high fives
when students responded correctly to questions, and using multiple examples in their
explanations of concepts. As a result of the successful evolution of teacher practices and the
identification of these new practices as being indicators of good teaching by students, the two
teachers involved in this study had developed new schema for their cultural toolkits. Teachers
then decided that it would be a good plan of action to identify and write down analogies that
students used when interacting with each other. They also decided to use these analogies in their
classrooms. This pooling of student analogies describes the development of a physical toolkit of
analogies that accompanied their cultural toolkits. An example of this is described in the
vignettes below.
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Eric: Potential energy is like when somebody is getting picked on like everyday just taking it
in, like storing the energy, then when they spazz out and flip out on somebody and get in a
fight that’s kinetic energy.
Brian: Oh aiight, I see that
One week later:
Mr. E: So potential energy is stored energy, sort of like if someone is getting picked on,
storing all the anger, that’s like potential energy. And Kinetic? Well you know what happens
next. Who knows what will happen next?
Culturally relevant analogy and student notions of authenticity
In instances where the analogies being used by teachers were developed and previously used
by students, student responses to the teachers’ instruction dramatically increased. Evidence of
this was seen in students volunteering to participate in class, willingness to ask/answer questions,
and students volunteering to explain physics concepts to their peers.
After creating lesson plans on specific topics utilizing student analogies, the teachers decided
to use additional information from cogenerative dialogues, and individual studies of the students’
ways of teaching to develop their own culturally relevant analogies for upcoming lessons. While
this process was initially challenging, the teachers involved slowly became more fluent in the
ability to create such analogies and utilize them in the classroom. The physical toolkit began to
consist of analogies that students used and also analogies that teachers developed by engaging in
communal practices with students. While these analogies were not the main driving force in the
science classrooms, the teachers used them when students were struggling with a concept or
when a vivid example was necessary for the articulation of a specific concept. The consistent use
of these types of analogies in the classroom either established or solidified the teachers’
authenticity, created opportunities for distributed classroom management, and eliminated the
occurrence of behaviors that were not conducive to science learning.
Analyzing the authenticity component
While the discovery of the ability of these analogies to improve classroom interaction has
become evident, the research in this study also uncovered that analogies have the ability to
radically change student perspectives of teachers. The use of culturally relevant analogies
assisted teachers in developing the cultural tools necessary to meet the authenticity criteria
required of any new member of the students’ worlds.
In this study, one key theme that emerged from cogenerative dialogues was that students
listened to rap music daily and utilized rap music analogies in their peer teaching. As a result of
this discovery, the cogenerative dialogue group delved into a discussion of music and artists and
why students listened to particular artists. The main question that surfaced was “What makes a
rapper a good emcee?” Student responses exhibited that the authenticity criteria for a culturally
relevant artist involved “making you feel like they know where you’re coming from” and
“having sick similies and metaphors.” These authenticity criteria were then juxtaposed with the
question of “what makes a teacher real?” and “what makes a teacher a good teacher?
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The authenticity criteria for a teacher were analogous to the requirements that students had
for the rap artists. Student responses to the question of “What makes a teacher a good teacher?
included responses like “understanding where the student is coming from” and “having good
examples in class.” These results display that the interpolation of culturally relevant analogies
and stories into the teachers’ repertoire helps the teacher in meeting the students’ authenticity
criteria for being relevant and a good teacher.
Cultural relevance across fields: Actualizing theory as it informs praxis
In this paper, I transition back and forth between analogy and cultural relevance and look at
how my focus on culturally relevant analogy was birthed by an interest in, and valuing of,
student culture. These discoveries could not have been made without cogenerative dialogues.
These sessions not only served the purpose of having students and teachers enact and sustain
ongoing conversations about their lives and experiences, but they also helped to develop the
“three R’s: relationships, rigor, and relevance” which are central to improving student
motivation, achievement and school engagement (National Research Council, 2004).
Learning from student rituals and transforming urban science instruction
Utilizing culturally relevant analogies in the science classroom requires both a thorough
understanding of the subject matter (chemistry, physics) and a familiarity with topics that are
relevant and of interest to students. The only means by which either of these two knowledges is
attained is by an active and ongoing quest for a command of the nuances that encompass both the
academic subject and the students being taught. The teachers in this study gained a command of
physics/chemistry knowledge, by continuously teaching and learning the material, attending
content related professional development, taking courses towards advanced degrees, reading
textbooks and supplementary material, and researching the topics that will be discussed in class.
It is often not viewed as pedagogically necessary for teachers to exercise the same rigorous
practices when it comes to becoming versed in students’ modes of interaction, discourse,
interests, and family life.
The argument being presented here is that the same process that is undergone in gaining
content knowledge in the subject matter is necessary in gaining knowledge about students’
backgrounds. This occurs with the teachers’ awareness of the differences in teacher and student
knowledge in science and in culture, and with a respect for what the student offers to the act of
pedagogy. It also requires the teachers’ willingness to acknowledge that they often know less
about the students’ lived worlds than the students know about the subject matter. The enactment
of communal teaching and learning practices in urban schools leads to the emergence of tools
like analogy in teaching practice and is the key to fostering student interest and success in
science and education.
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