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Defense National Stockpile Center: America’s
Stockpile: An Organizational History
Or
An Organizational History of the Defense
National Stockpile Center: America’s
National Stockpile
Clifton G. Chappell, Senior History Consultant, Roderick Gainer, Associate Historian,
and Kristin Guss, Editor
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CHAPTER ONE: How Stockpiling Began
Mission of DNSC
The Administrators of DNSC have expanded upon the dictionary definition of
stockpiling to include the following four distinct mission statements, which still remain
relevant although written 55 years ago:
1. The National Stockpile is a physical reserve of definite quantities of materials,
owned by the United States government, stored mostly on government-owned
property and in government warehouses. Currently, there are 40 different
commodities stockpiled nationwide.
2. The Stockpile is an inventory of raw materials with a cash value. Today, that
market value is approximately $1.5 billion (2005 value). These are recoverable
assets owned by the people of the United States. In this sense, the Stockpile acts
like an insurance policy with an outlay return of many-folds over the original
costs should the stockpile be used, and yet until used, it retains indefinite value
(at current market value).
3. DNSC is a basic element and an integral part of the national defense
structure. However, it is not solely a military element: it is intended for all
essential civilian and military uses in times of emergencies. This function is
closely linked to military and civilian national security requirements, of course
while taking into account the formulation of DNSC objectives. There is a direct
relationship with industrial mobilization planning and the disposition of the
Stockpile in time of national emergency.
4. DNSC provides a tremendous reserve of commodities for use during a national
emergency. In the final analysis, materials are stockpiled on the basis not of the
manpower required to produce them, but of the manpower that is required in
wartime if these materials are not available.
As the stockpile legislation requires, one of the primary mandates for the
National
Defense Stockpile as an organization is to eliminate, or reduce a dangerous and costly
dependence on foreign nations. Thus, DNSC requires that stockpiled materials meet
three distinct criteria:
1. They must be essential for the common defense (whether to industry or to the
Armed Services).
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2. Materials must be insufficiently available in the United States.
3. All materials must have the distinct capability of actually being
Stockpiled. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1950, pages 15-17)
Now that DNSC has been explained, a look back in time will help to more fully
understand the necessity of maintaining stockpiles of rare and vital materials prior to
modern times. Before looking back, below is a current list (as of 2006) of the materials
considered strategic and critical, by DNSC. At an earlier time, this list contained 93
different commodities, but by 2006 many of these had been completely sold off through
the disposal programs. Keep this list in mind for comparison to earlier versions.
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A National Minerals Plan and National Stockpile
Soon after World War I, leading American scientists sought to educate
industrialists and those in government on the necessity of having a national minerals
plan in hope that America would not return to its old isolationist thinking. In fact, one of
the country’s leading geologists and professor, Charles K. Leith, promoted a novel idea.
Leith had accompanied President Wilson to the Paris Peace Conference after the
Armistice as the President’s minerals expert. He also worked for Baruch in the War
Industries Board during the recent war. He proposed a world institute to manage raw
materials, in an “internationalist” approach of control. Leith teamed up with leading
experts of the period such as Josiah E. Spurr, who had become President of the Mining
and Metallurgical Society of America, H. Foster Bain, then Director of the U.S. Bureau
of Mines, and George Otis Smith, Director of the U.S. Geological Survey (serving more
than 20 years in this capacity). Spurr also served as the President of the Mining and
Metallurgical Society of America, and from 1919-1927, edited the Engineering and
Mining Journal. These learned experts established what became a blue-ribbon panel to
research and write a minerals plan by first inventorying all domestic minerals resources.
Leith and his associates intended to draw enough attention to establish a policy
that ensured the adequate raw materials dissemination to the entire industrial world.
They saw the quest for raw materials as a world problem and sought solutions as such.
Still, they wanted to protect American companies from other countries that might use
embargoes, or other such protectionist policies, which would hurt the domestic mining
industry. They saw their plan through the eyes of free-trade advocates and not through
the interests of pro-tariff supporters. They did believe in some form of “tariff” controls
for the major strategic raw materials of copper, manganese, chromium, and tungsten
since all but copper had to come from foreign markets. The report they put together
came in the early 1920s soon after the war and in the same timeframe that ANMB began
to study strategic materials. It also came at a time that the mining companies blasted
Congress for tariff protection against cheaper foreign imports. The miners had real
concerns centered on staying in business. Importantly, Leith and his colleagues urged
the formation of a national stockpile that would include antimony, chromium, and
manganese, because of the large dependency on foreign suppliers. Although against
major tariffs, they believed that legislation, especially for antimony, should receive a
domestic tariff benefit. From the monetary proceeds of this moderate protectionist
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legislation the government could build a stockpile of some 4,000 tons of antimony,
which at that time came to a six-month supply for American industry. Yet, they
hesitated to back more stringent protectionist legislation for other materials believing it
would actually lead to depleting reserves of vital materials like chromium, which in turn
would guarantee future dependence upon foreign sources. (Eckes, The United States
and the Global Struggle for Minerals, page 38-40, hereafter referred to as Struggle)
Leith and his colleagues also advocated the establishment of another permanent
stockpile of 600,000 tons of high quality ferromanganese, which they estimated could
take up to nine years to develop. They had determined this amount would last about two
years in the production of steel at the rate of consumption during World War I. This
stockpile would contain a very high-quality ferromanganese between 78-82 percent pure,
which the United States could not produce domestically. In the 1930s, the United States
could only buy this quality ferromanganese ore from foreign sources, like Russia (the
Soviet Union), India, the Gold Coast of Africa, and Brazil. Cuban deposits had just been
discovered that contained large amounts of manganese ores measuring in at 20 percent
pure, but without the phosphorous contained in the Russian manganese ores. Even
though lower in percentage than the foreign ores, it became cheaper to process the
Cuban ore to the concentrated ferromanganese level because it contained fewer
impurities to eliminate. This held especially true in the case of American mined low-
grade manganese ores, which had high amounts of impurities. Plus, the Cubans worked
cheaper, and the mined ore traveled a shorter distance than Russian or other such
foreign-based ores. Both the Cuban and foreign mined ores cost less and had higher
percentages of ferromanganese quality than those domestically produced. Also, the
American steel manufacturers preferred the higher percentage foreign ores. In 1934,
Russian ferromanganese grade ore cost $22.50 per ton to import (with a 100 percent
tariff duty attached), and American mined ores cost $30.00 per ton by the time they
received adequate concentration processing into the ferromanganese quality. (Struggle,
page 41; Lecture Series, L34-015, “Strategic Commodities,” by LTC Charles T. Harris,
Jr., Ordnance Department, Chief, Commodities Division, Planning Branch, OASW,
March 26, 1934, page 5 of 12, Report Number:
http://www.ndu.edu/library/ic7/L34-
015.pdf)
Congress never enacted the minerals policy, which Leith and his experts
envisioned. This stemmed from America remaining somewhat ignorant of the mineral
problem, and those who knew something about it believed in a phenomenon then being
forwarded based on the idea that America had become a dominant power in the world
because of American individualism, which ran counter to establishment of many
national policies. This concept saw incorporation in what became known to historians
and social scientists as the Frontier Thesis, advanced in a paper presented by Dr.
Frederick Jackson Turner, titled The Significance of the Frontier in American History at
a meeting of the American Historical Association at the World’s Columbian Exposition
in 1893. Turner carried his theory even further in his book titled The Frontier in
American History published in 1921. Simplistically speaking Turner believed that
American institutions had been shaped by the rugged frontiersman going forth to
conquer the American frontier. Other historians picked up the mantle from Turners’
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thesis like Walter Prescott Webb, who attempted to show that most of Western
Civilization had been developed by earlier frontier-concurring “individuals,” and
establishing societal institutions from this experience. Webb introduced America to this
ideal through his works like The Great Plains (1931) and The Great Frontier (1952).
Americans took to this Frontier Theory based on many of the heroes average citizens
identified with like Daniel Boone, Davy Crockett, and latter nineteenth-century
personages like Kit Carson and Buffalo Bill Cody. Through his wild-west show, Cody
sold many citizens on the idea that the exploits of a single American individual going
into the wilderness could come out successfully concurring the inhabitants and nature
itself. Thus, in the early twentieth-century, many Americans believed in the premise that
institutions had been shaped because of individualism. If this theory held true, then why
did America need any national policy that would only constrain the individual in
developing America to its fullest potential? Establishing a national minerals policy,
therefore, held little chance in being formed during this period. If American experts
could not agree or accept a national policy, they certainly could not think beyond the
borders in terms of a global solution! In Congress the idea of “self-sufficiency” and
protecting American mining industries through tariffs continued to dominate thinking.
Scientists like Leith believed this to be based on a false ideal, as later historians
disproved the Frontier Theory, but in 1922 Congress passed protective measures through
the Fordney-McCumber Tariff. This legislation placed a duty on several imported raw
materials that had previously been duty-free. Protection legislation won out over the
free trade of raw materials, and international agreements. Congress hoped the tariff
would prod domestic producers to increase production, but by the 1930s this had not
happened. On the eve of World War II, the tariff on manganese had produced no
increase in domestic supplies. In fact, in the decade before World War II, the tariff,
which approximated 100 percent on some materials, did not produce an increase in
domestic mining of strategic materials even though its original advocates proclaimed
that it would. (Struggle, page 42; Roush says on page 60 that in from 1929 to 1939, the
tariff approximating 100 percent did not increase the development of domestic materials
to any great extent)“
(
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Significance_of_the_Frontier_in_American_History,
for Turner’s thesis (accessed 27 September 2007); for Webb, The Great Plains, Preface,
by Walter Prescott Webb, the University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London, 1931,
First Bison Book Printing, 1981, 525 pages)
During the 1930s, the idea of establishing a national stockpile continued to have
advocates, and some went so far as to raise the issue in Congress. By this time, the
Industrial Mobilization Plans sponsored by ANMB had been disseminated throughout
top governmental levels—along with the Army Industrial College—and this spurred
studies of mobilization. In this turbulent decade, totalitarianism and militarism arose
from the ashes of the First World War. These ideas became especially prominent in
Germany, Italy, and Japan, three nations with grandiose ambitions, but lacking in several
vital minerals to fuel their ever-growing war machines. In there view, the former Allied
nations monopolized the world’s raw materials sources. Since the disgruntled countries
could not acquire many raw materials, they turned to violently expansionistic policies.
To Leith and his associates this came as no surprise. They held that geography and
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history pointed to the instability of Europe. Thus, war looked almost inevitable. Those
like Leith, who had accompanied President Wilson to Paris, believed nothing but strife
would mark the desire of nations for raw materials in the industrialized twentieth-
century.
Many in the U. S. who backed the mining lobby’s idea of self-sufficiency did not
grasp that world conditions had changed radically after World War I. Technology and
the expansion of trade became evermore intertwined in the new national economies—
making them much more internationalist than before. However, even those countries at
the Paris Peace talks began to fall away from the peace accord in the 1930s. A rise of
nationalism saw nations once again competing for raw materials in fervor to obtain self-
sufficiency. This rapid change wound around those with militarism and a quest for more
power set the stage for the next world war. Leith believed that too much had been left
undecided at the Paris Peace Conference, and most nations seemed bent on self
sufficiency, leading them away from the original concept of a the League of Nations. He
correctly believed this would result in another conflict down the road. (Struggle, page
10, 25-27)
In the early 1930s, Colonel Edward M. House, former Special Assistant to
President Woodrow Wilson, also a member of Wilson’s Peace Delegation after World
War I, referred to nations in terms of “Haves” and “Have Nots,” in reference to raw
materials. The “have” nations either contained deposits of strategically important
materials, or could procure these materials from friendly nation-partners and colonies.
In turn, they reconstituted these minerals, materials, chemicals, and other such natural
resources into more quantities of foods, essential supplies, housing, medicines and of
course military weaponry. The “have not” countries often had more population than
food supplies and had difficulty employing all of their population to the point of
maintaining a comfortable standard of living. Some of these “have not” nations made
decisions during the interwar years to “correct” such material deficiencies and this
threatened the peace of the world. (National Defense University Lecture Series, L38b-
016, “Strategic and Critical Materials,” by LTC H.D. Rogers, U.S. Army Medical
Corps, Chief, Commodities Division, Planning Branch, O.A.S.W., February 19, 1938,
page 2, of 22, Report Number: http://www.ndu.edu/library/ic7/L38b-016.pdf)
The future Axis powers, Germany, Italy, and Japan, began devising ways of
securing badly needed raw materials, and attempting to deprive other nations like Great
Britain, France, and the United States from supplies of such necessary materials. By the
mid 1930s, Germany had launched a massive rearmament program, Italy had invaded
Ethiopia, and Japan had launched a largely unprovoked invasion of China. The war
planners on the Army General Staff and procurement planners in OASW began to
categorize nations in terms of mineral reserves. Naturally, having sufficiently trained
military forces and sophisticated weapon systems became a necessity too. The
American military forces envisioned by the war planners during the interwar years
reflected the traditional maximum of a 4 million-man army well into the 1930s (the
rough total of the military during World War I). Materials needed for the sustenance of
the general populous, which helped make the weaponry, also became critically
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important. This became especially so for the United States as the nation relied more and
more on foreign sources for supplies of strategic and critical items. (Lecture Series,
L38b-016, “Strategic and Critical Materials,” page 2, of 22; http://home.u-s-
history.com/pages/h1051.html, “Politics and Public Service, Edward M. House, 1858-
1938,” (accessed 27 September 2007)
Despite the troubling world events, the United States concentrated on the
problems associated with the Great Depression. President Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted
nothing to do with war preparation activities, which he thought to be an extravagance in
the midst of a Great Depression. Old preparation agitators like Bernard M. Baruch
began once again applying pressure on the government to at least start addressing these
threats. However, the United States would make no overt attempt to expand military
preparations for fear of arousing those isolationists within the nation, or of antagonizing
other world powers. Once again, the American president would play the neutrality card,
and this frustrated those who saw the inevitability of war coming. (Bullis, L. Harold and
James E Mielke, Strategic and Critical Materials, page 165)
In 1935, Herbert Feis, an economist in the State Department, suggested the
establishment of a reserve of strategic materials while he served on a governmental
interdepartmental committee. This stance resulted from fear of war when Italy invaded
Ethiopia. Feis believed the United States could purchase $25 million worth of materials
per year through domestic and foreign markets, and he further suggested the bartering of
surplus agricultural products as payment for the materials. Still, Congress did not act
even in light of naked Italian aggression towards world peace.
During the 1930s, the War Department had prepared suggestions for the nation
should a national stockpile be established. These included acquiring materials through
the government, or through private industry under some form of governmental control.
In February 1934, the military planners in OASW prepared studies to establish a
strategic stockpile plan under direction of the Assistant Secretary of War, and then
staffed it through the War Department. That year the planners publicly approved a plan
settling the lingering war debts from World War I by exchanging strategic materials for
payment. They even suggested bartering surplus agricultural products in exchange for
strategic materials. Nothing came of establishing a stockpile, but the importance lies in
the consideration of the idea. ((Struggle, page 74-76); Lecture Series, L34-015,
“Strategic Commodities,” pages 4 and 12)
First Stockpile
The Honorable Charles I. Faddis, Congressman from Pennsylvania sponsored
legislation beginning in 1936 to obtain strategic materials, but nothing became of the
measure until 1938. The Faddis legislation became law (House Resolution (H.R.) 1608),
through the Naval Appropriations Act of 1938. Through the Act the Navy received a
small appropriation of $3.5 million for the first stockpile of strategic and critical
materials accumulated by a United States military service in preparation for a national
emergency. The Navy quickly purchased a small stockpile of tin, ferromanganese,
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tungsten, chromite, optical glass, and manila fibers. In the next two fiscal years, the
Navy received additional installments of $500,000 for its stockpile. (Gutchess, Selling
Defense Materials, page 5-6)
After graduating from Pennsylvania State College in 1915, Faddis served as a
sergeant in the Tenth Infantry, Pennsylvania National Guard when President Wilson
activated the guard for duty along the Mexican Border in the Punitive Expedition of
1916. Sergeant Faddis rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel during his service in World
War I and received the Purple Heart medal for being wounded in battle. After serving in
Congress from 1933 to 1942, Faddis resigned on 4 December 1942 to once again accept
an appointment as a colonel in the Army. He received a second Purple Heart, along with
a Bronze Star for his services during World War II. (Lecture Series, L38-016,
“Strategic and Critical Materials,” page 7; Info Please: All the Information You Need.
http://www.infoplease.com/biography/us/congress/faddis-charles-isiah.html, “Faddis,
Charles Isiah, 1890-1972,” (accessed 27 September 2007); Struggle, pages 75-76;
Stockpiling Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-1 for the exact materials
purchased by the Navy)
In the late 1930s, legislation to establish a complete national stockpile received
consideration by Congress, like the Faddis legislation, which had endorsement of the
War Department. However, the War Department did not believe it had jurisdiction to
comment on those bills dealing with stockpiles for “private interests,” or not specifically
pertaining to national defense. This gives an indication of how much interest existed
then in establishing some sort of stockpile of strategic and critical materials—both
private and public. The one bill most appropriate to the military services, and which had
the endorsement of the other branches of the government known as the “Thomas Bill,”
(Senate (S.) 4012) held the most promise of all the stockpile legislation as of 1937 (75
th
Congress, First Session). Significantly, it gave the U.S. Bureau of Mines (BOM)
responsibility for continuing studies of strategic materials, and for developing existing
domestic reserves of materials. This pleased the procurement planners in OASW since
BOM had rendered valuable assistance to the agency on studying strategic materials for
some years. (Lecture Series, L39-039, “The Commodities Division,” pages 13, and page
3 of 5 on the enclosed Discussion Appendix)
With legislative initiatives concentrating on a National Stockpile coming and
going in Congress, the 1936 Industrial Mobilization Plan sponsored by ANMB
recommended the formation of four hypothetical civilian-controlled super-agencies to be
established by the President once a national emergency occurred. These four agencies
would each manage (1) industrial production in a war scenario, (2) selective service, (3)
public relations, and (4) the national labor force. The first and largest of these, originally
titled the War Industries Administration, later renamed the War Resources
Administration, would control war finance, trade, labor, and price controls. The War
Resources Administration had powers superseding those of the War Industries Board in
World War I, controlling everything but the selective service and public relations.
Importantly, to the history of stockpiling, the War Resources Administration had the
responsibility for acquiring analyzing, and controlling strategic and critical materials in a
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war setting. Although the plan failed to consider control over the allocation of materials,
such as steel, copper, and aluminum, this put stockpiling squarely within the context of a
government-established agency designed for war preparation and national defense. As
such, the 1936 Industrial Mobilization Plan served planners well as a precursor for
establishing separate stockpiling activities, which began before the United States entered
World War II. (Schubert, Mobilization, P 7).
World Distribution of Raw Materials and Causes of World War II
The Great Depression helped drive the aggressive powers of Germany, Italy, and
Japan faster in their imperialist quests to obtain what they perceived to be their rightful
place in world affairs. Instrumental in this struggle to gain world dominance lay the
reality that each of these nations had limited supplies of raw materials hindering them
from gaining an advantage over the other industrialized nations of the world. In fact,
they saw nations like Great Britain and its vast Commonwealth, rich in raw materials,
and the United States with similar abundances of natural resources with a network of
partnering nations, as two of the world’s obstacles preventing them from access to the
raw materials they needed for advancement. In this analysis they happened to be
correct. The possessions of Great Britain and the United States combined equaled about
75 percent of the world’s essential raw materials. Scientists like Charles K. Leith
pointed out that a primary objective for the aggressive moves made by the Nazi German
government had to do with obtaining what it deemed ‘adequate’ raw materials.
Naturally, what Chancellor Adolph Hitler meant by an ‘adequate’ quantity included
those materials necessary to supply its rapidly expanding military forces in a quest for
world dominance—proven during the years just prior to World War II. (Struggle, page
75 for the 75 percent figure; Leith, World Minerals and World Peace, pages 2 and 4)
Having, or not having, raw materials could make or break a modern nation, but it
takes much more than just possessing such ingredients. Nation’s needed the
infrastructure to extract, or acquire the materials, and then they needed the abilities to
turn these into industrial products. They also needed to have an educated and skilled
labor force to work the factories and businesses vital to making industrialized nations
strong. Certainly it also took a government compatible with the economic system of a
country, such as a democratic and flexible form like that of the United States. As a
“have” nation, America encompassed all of these ingredients and more. The United
States could more fully reach the level of self-reliance than all of the other leading
industrial nations of the 1930s. It contained the materials required to give its citizenry a
comfortable and high standard of living. Unfortunately, with all of its natural
endowments, even the United States could not be totally self-sufficient for its peacetime
industrial needs then, and certainly not for its wartime requirements. Even then a few
experts, like Leith, worried, as experts do now, that the United States used raw materials
in such large quantities that someday and perhaps sooner than later, the nation would run
out of these vital resources. Leith believed the nation should preserve much of the
domestic resources as a last resort “reserve.” Further, he and other mineral experts
believed the best solution for protecting these reserves lay in the use of natural resources
procured from other nations if they could be purchased cheaper and safely. The debate
to protect the nation’s natural domestic reserves for the future, or to develop them for the
immediate need, is still a continuing issue, but from World War I onward the United
States has relied more and more upon foreign supplies of many raw materials including
those classified as strategic and critical. This is not a new concept, and the minerals
policies of each Presidential administration since that timeframe have wrestled with the
perplexities of a nation dependent upon vast amounts of raw materials coupled with an
ever-larger role in world affairs. (Lecture Series, L38-016, “Strategic and Critical
Materials,” page 3; Struggle, Pages 38-40)
By 1934, mineral experts, including Leith, suggested through a Planning
Committee for Mineral Policy, set up by a Presidential Natural Resources Board in 1933,
that in preparation for the possibility of another war the United States should establish
reserves, or a stockpile of the most essential materials of manganese, chromium,
tungsten, nickel, and tin. Others also suggested establishing reserves of these materials.
One particular author, Brooks Emeny, concluded a study on the subject called The
Strategy of Raw Materials, working closely with the War Department, which advocated
establishing reserves of important materials. In fact, in 1934 the Commodities Division
of the Planning Branch in OASW prepared a study for ANMB containing data on all
strategic materials to determine the quantities needed if war came. This study included
the quantities of strategic materials suggesting the building up of a reserve, or a
stockpile, kept ready to sustain the country for a 24-month conflict once M-Day began.
The Commodities Division had submitted this study to the War Department in January
1934, where it remained. These initiatives never got much consideration in the
Roosevelt administration. (Struggle, pages 74-75; Lecture Series, L34-015, “Strategic
Commodities,” page 4)
Conclusion of War Plans and the Beginning of Victory in World War II
The Office of the Assistant Secretary of War and ANMB worked harmoniously
and continually on the requirements in Section 5a of the National Defense Act of 1920 in
the years before World War II to prepare the military for the next war emergency.
However, the closer World War II came, the more criticism the agencies received within
government circles. For one, the military planners never had the budgetary means to
fully work with a large segment of industry partners in planning a war emergency.
Much of what they did had to be done in a vacuum and by too few planners involved.
The planners could not work out comprehensive modern war procurement plans that
“fit” all of the types of war contingencies of the twentieth-century magnitude. The
Industrial Mobilization Plans of the 1930s used World War I as a model and they
remained too rigid in this respect. This rigidity had to give way to more flexibility that
took into account additional contemporary circumstances. Likewise, the general war
plans that coincided with the Industrial Mobilization Plans, from the War Plans Division
of the Chief of Staff’s General Staff (called Protective Mobilization Plans), began to fall
to the wayside although they too proved to be an effective tool to help train war planners
in the critical aspects necessary to fighting in the context of a single-front war like World
War I. These plans continued to be based on a predominantly naval conflict engaged
with Japan. Not until the latter 1930s did this concept begin to change, whereby the
Army would need to build up a massive ground force to fight such countries as Germany
and Italy, in addition to the naval war with Japan.
IV. World War II and Stockpiling
In the summer of 1941, General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff of the Army,
directed the War Planning Division of his General Staff, to produce a joint plan with the
Navy that would show the production estimates of the services in their war needs in the
event of total war. This became known as the Victory Plan. He gave this task to then
LTC Albert C. Wedemeyer, who had attended the German Kriegsakademie in Berlin
1934-1936, as an exchange student, studying mobile warfare. While in Germany,
Wedemeyer read the various works of Maj. Gen. J. F.C. Fuller, noted British military
strategist and authority on German strategy. Wedemeyer’s analytical approach to
victory launched his career and helped lead the Allies to victory. He helped plan the
Allied invasion of Normandy, which eventually led to Germany’s surrender. He became
a general officer during the war rising to command American forces in China. After the
war, he supported Gen. Lucius D. Clay’s plan called the Berlin Airlift, in 1948, which
successfully supplied the people in West Berlin with food and medicines when the
Soviet Union cut-off all supplies to that region of the city. He retired in 1951, but
received a promotion to full general in 1954. (GEARING UP FOR VICTORY: American
Military and Industrial Mobilization in World War II, Colloquium on Contemporary
History, June 25, 1991, No. 5, Navy Historical Center Department of the Navy,
Washington, D.C., 1992, 75 pages; “Computing the Requirements for War: The Logic of
the Victory Plan of 1941,” by Maj. Charles E. Kirkpatrick, USA, US Army Center of
Military History, hereafter referred to as Kirkpatrick; Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Coady_Wedemeyer biographical information on
Wedemeyer (accessed 27 September 2007)
General Marshall referred to the Victory Plan as a study of production
requirements for national defense, and that it estimated equipment necessary for certain
strategic assumptions. It amalgamated the political and military goals of the American
military command structure through military attention to the manpower needs of the
civilian war economy and in an understanding that the American economic system itself
contained extraordinary powerin fact a considerable military weapon. The Victory
Plan further delineated military objectives that most suited the national goals in the war.
The so-called “Wedemeyer Victory Plan” contributed in many ways to preparing the
country for World War II, and it showed a keen intellect that grasped the ambiguity of
politics through policy, strategy and in practical military applicability. It reflected those
concepts often commonly held but hard to articulate in a strategic plan produced by
wartime military leaders. Most importantly, the Victory Plan replaced the last Protective
Mobilization Plan of 1939. Lieutenant Colonel Wedemeyer based the plan on
assumptions that the major war effort would be concentrated against Europe first and
maximum personnel strengths would be achieved in July 1943. Thus, procurements, and
supplies would receive calculations based on this assumption. His plan proved effective
in dealing with an international crisis, which by all stretching of imagination had not
existed within the earlier plans, and it dealt specifically with fighting a war not only
overseas, but also on more than one front. Another assumption made correctly
determined that after Pearl Harbor the focus of the war would no longer be on defensive
measures but would concentrate predominantly on offense to defeat the enemy.
By early 1942, ANMB became part of a newly formulated organization called
the Services of Supply within a reorganized Army staff (however it also remained
theoretically within the President’s grasp in his executive office). Priorities and
allocations of strategic and critical materials had transferred from ANMB, much earlier
when the President established the Office of Production Management (OPM) in early
January 1941 (part of his progressive march towards establishing super-agencies). The
OPM transitioned into the War Production Board (WPB) beginning in early 1942, the
equivalent of the World War I War Industries Board, but approximately ten times larger.
The Army continued to reorganize through 1941 and 1942, and one of these involved
replacing the Office of Assistant Secretary of War with that of the Under Secretary of
War. The Services of Supply combined the procurement activities that had served the
Army within the Office of Assistant Secretary of War since 1921, with those of a G-4, or
supply organization. The Services of Supply reorganization occurred under the skilled
hands of LTG Brehon B. Somervell, who became General Marshall’s right-hand man for
all combined procurement and supply services. Somervell’s first organization became
the Directorate of Procurement and Distribution, but later changed to the Army Service
Forces (March, 1943). The G-4 concept is still used in the Army structure today.
(Kirkpatrick, pages 35-38; Nelson, Arsenal of Democracy, page 342)
The Strategic and Critical Stock Piling Act of 1939 (Public Law 117, 76
th
Congress)
Although the Roosevelt administration had shown scant interest during
the depression years for establishing a National Stockpile, some activity toward this end
did occur in the years before World War II as mentioned earlier. In 1933, the President
appointed the National Resources Board to study natural resources. Under this Board,
the Planning Committee for Mineral Policy, the committee that Charles K. Leith served
on, recommended the stockpiling of materials of a deficient nature. Armed with this
information, the President directed the War and Navy Departments for detailed
recommendations on stockpiling of certain materials. After 1936, the two military
services recommended that the United States should stockpile certain materials for a war
emergency, and that such a stockpile would be “in the best interest of the nation.” In
1938, the executive branch and Congress once again pushed Roosevelt to establish a
National Stockpile. The interdepartmental committee chaired by Herbert Feis, again
urged a program that would spend $25 million for strategic and critical materials, and
another $500,000 for domestic exploration. This could only be considered a rather
small, or minimal, stockpile. The military and the Department of State backed a bill
called the “Thomas Bill,” after Senator Elbert Thomas (D), from Utah who introduced
the stockpiling legislation in Congress—Utah being a pro-mining state. Roosevelt
remained reluctant to establish a stockpile. He still believed at this time, as many people
in the United States, that somehow the country could avoid a war with the Axis Powers.
In March 1939, Roosevelt warmed a little to the idea of a stockpile, and decided not to
block the initiative this time if one came across his desk. (Selling Defense Materials, P
5; Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, Part I, page I-1; Struggle, page 77)
However, even with the President’s reluctant approval for a law, it became quite
another to get him to approve adequate funding. Instead of Feis’ recommendation of
$25 million for the program, Roosevelt settled on a smaller sum of $10 million. To Feis
this seemed hardly a funding beginning, but at least the President would not block a
stockpile bill, and in politics this could be measured as a major victory for the advocates
of a National Stockpile. (Struggle, page 77)
As mentioned briefly before, the milestone legislation for a National Stockpile
occurred on 7 June 1939, passed by the 76
th
Congress, and signed by the President called
the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling Act of 1939 (Public Law 117). The
President never totally warmed to having a National Stockpile, but this did not stop him
from signing the legislation. The final Act came after the culmination of various studies
and recommendations made by the War Department, through the ANMB in 1938 and
1939, and those from the Departments of State and the Interior along with other
interested agencies. It truly represented a product of an interagency agreement. In part,
the Act stated that as Congressional policy it would:
“…provide for the acquisition of stocks of certain strategic and
critical materials of which the natural resources of the United States were
deficient or insufficiently developed to supply the industrial, military, and
naval needs of the country for common defense and to encourage the
development of mines and deposits of these materials within the United
States.” (Selling Defense Materials, May 1969, page 6 of 488)
Significantly for the military services, ANMB became the primary proponent of
the stockpile program in conjunction with the Department of the Interior, which played
an instrumental and required function for enabling the legislation. Interior would
continue its association with the National Stockpile into modern times. (Selling Defense
Materials, pages 5-6; Struggle, P 76-78)
As a consensus piece of legislation, the Stock Piling Act of 1939 included several
provisions acceptable to all those who had an interest in stockpiling. The basic
provisions included the following:
a. The determination of materials to be classified as strategic and critical
b. Determining the quality and quantity of each stockpiled material
(necessary for Interior’s acceptance)
c. Procurement of stockpiles within funding authorized by the Act
d. The necessary storage, care, and handling of stockpiled materials, and the
rotation of materials when necessary
e. The release of the stocked materials for use only when ordered by the
President in time of war, or the threat of war (This kept the stockpile only
for national defense uses acceptable for the military’s approval)
f. The “Buy American” Act would be applicable to purchases (this pleased
the domestic producers).
g. Appropriations amounting to a total of $100 million for stockpiling
purposes for the fiscal years 1940 through 1943---No limit was set on
time these funds could be expended (this small appropriation pleased no
one except perhaps the President)
h. Exploration and development of domestic resources by the Interior
Department, with an authorization for the appropriation of $500,000 for
these activities in each fiscal year 1940-1943 (Stockpile Report to the
Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-1)
On 28 May 1941, Congress enacted Public Law 76, 77
th
Congress, which
amended Section 6 of the Stock Piling Act of 1939. This became necessary after
Congress realized that money from releases did not revert back into the stockpile. So,
the amendment established within the Department of Treasury a revolving fund to retain
money from disposal of all materials coming out of the National Stockpile. (Stockpile
Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-1)
The Stock Piling Act gave ANMB authorization, with the approval of the
Secretaries of War, Navy, and Interior, to decide which materials should receive
strategic and critical status, and to establish qualities and quantities of the materials to be
purchased by the Procurement Division of the Treasury Department. Further,
designation of representatives from the State, Treasury, and Commerce Departments
cooperated with the Secretaries of War, Navy, and the Secretary of the Interior in
determining the materials to be purchased. The Secretary of the Treasury had
responsible for not only purchasing the materials, but for their storage and maintenance.
When necessary the Treasury ensured preventive measures to keep the materials from
deteriorating by using a rotation system. This meant that materials showing signs of
deterioration could be sold and fresh new materials could replace the old by using
purchase contracts. Only through this “obsolescence” clause could materials be sold
without going through Congress for approval. Of course the legislation contained
authority that by order of the President of the United States in time of war (a national
emergency), or the possibility of a threat of war, materials could be released. (Selling
Defense Materials, page 488; (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page
I-1)
Congress authorized the amount of $100 million for stockpile materials from the
fiscal year beginning on 1 July 1939 to the fiscal year ending on 30 June 1943.
However, after the appropriations committees acted, taking direction from Roosevelt, the
program only received the $10 million Roosevelt had agreed to originally. This came by
way of Public Law 361-76
th
Congress, on 9 August 1939. Acting quickly, ANMB
allocated these funds by 22 August 1939, buying eight different materials. On 11
August 1939, Congressed enacted the law allowing the Commodity Credit Corporation
(CCC) of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, to exchange surplus agricultural goods
from the United States for those strategic and critical materials coming from foreign
markets. Under this agreement Great Britain exchanged rubber for agricultural products,
but this law did not pertain to the National Stock Piling Act of 1939 at that time (it
would later be used for national stockpile purposes). After the Nazi German army had
marched against Scandinavia and France in June 1940, Roosevelt allowed additional
funding for the stockpile program. On 25 March 1940, through Public Law 442-76
th
Congress, the program received an additional $3 million, which ANMB used on 9 April
1940 to purchase more quantities of three of the above eight materials (the three are not
known). In the next fiscal year, Congress approved $9.5 million and another $47.5
million through Public Law 667-76
th
Congress, on 26 June 1940. ANMB also quickly
used this funding on 28 June 1940 to purchase five additional amounts of the original
eight materials, and to purchase three new materials. By 10 October 1943, the stockpile
held thirteen materials, and Congress had appropriated a total of $70 million for the
program. By this time, ANMB had directed the Procurement Division of the Treasury to
purchase the following materials: cadmium, chrome ore, industrial diamonds,
manganese ore, manila fiber known as abaca, mercury, mica (muscovite block and
splittings), monazite sand, optical glass, quartz crystals, quinine (hydro bromide and
sulfate), pig tin, and tungsten ore. (Selling Defense Materials, pages 6-7; Struggle, page
78; Stockpile Report to the Congress, 1946, Part II, page II-1; and Stockpile Report to
the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-2)
The other $30 million authorized for stockpile purchases never came to the
stockpile because Roosevelt began to use funding for purchasing strategic materials
through various other agencies with escalation of the World War II efforts. Presumably,
the ANMB did not feel inclined to request the amount at that time. During World War
II, by order of the President six of the above materials received release notices worth a
total of $8,845,792.00. Materials included: cadmium, manila fiber, muscovite block
mica, optical glass, quartz crystals, and quinine sulfate. (Selling Defense Materials,
pages 6-7; Struggle, page 78; Stockpile Report to the Congress, 1946, Part II, page II-1)
Stockpiling and War Production Activities during World War II
With the declaration of war on 8 December 1941, the national stockpile program
became somewhat ignored, and through a consensual agreement with the war agencies
established by this time, contract purchases remained at the previously mentioned levels
including funding. The war needs far surpassed what the National Stockpile had been
set up to handle, and activities of purchasing strategic and critical materials passed to
such super-agencies as the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), which had
originally been formed in 1932 (in the Hoover administration), and additionally to the
War Production Board (WPB) formed in 1942. Before declaration of the war, Public
Law 664-76
th
Congress, enacted on 2 June 1940, gave RFC tremendous powers and
authority to produce, acquire, and transport strategic and critical materials in place of
ANMB. This gave the President the power to create, through subsidiary corporations to
the RFC, the Rubber Reserve Company and the Metals Reserve Company, established
on 28 June 1940, for such purposes. Consecutively, on 22 and 29 August 1940, the RFC
created the Defense Plant Corporation and the Defense Supplies Corporation assisting
with the production of war supplies made from the large purchases of strategic and
critical raw materials authorized in the legislation. RFC’s subsidiary corporations
made the large purchases of strategic and critical materials that transferred to super-
agencies established by executive orders that handled the vast industrial mobilization
efforts. These included the Supply Priorities and Allocation Board (SPAB), which
Roosevelt established after NDAC, and the Office of Production Management (OPM),
which replaced SPAB. In this progression as mentioned previously, Roosevelt replaced
the OPM with the War Production Board (WPB), which handled most of the World War
II defense production responsibilities that turned America into what Roosevelt had
dubbed “the Arsenal of Democracy.” The WPB had a division for every conceivable
supply and product necessary for war production. This agency handled all war
production activities similar to the War Industries Board during World War I, but as
mentioned before, on a much larger scale. In fact, the Director of the WPB, Mr. Donald
Nelson is the person stating that swamped the WIB by ten times over. Nelson used
Bernard M. Baruch as an adviser on many occasions for working out many of the
difficulties associated with managing America’s vast economic war effort during World
War II. (Arsenal of Democracy, page 342; Stockpile Report the Congress, 1946, page II-
2; EH.Net Encyclopedia:
http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/butkiewicz.finance.corp.reconstruction,
“Reconstruction Finance Corporation,” James Butkiewicz, (accessed 27 September
2007)
When allocation problems arose concerning what industries should receive
strategic and critical materials, Nelson first set up a “horizontal” system that allowed raw
materials to pass from a government agency directly to contractors and subcontractors.
However, the system, known as the Production Requirements Plan (PRP), did not fully
solve the gigantic problems associated with controlling the powerful American industry,
as a whole, for war production. In 1942, this led to a new system that measured more
accurately the demand against supply, and set up better allocation and priority controls
for the smoother flow of raw materials into the necessary industries. The solution came
after the head of the Office of Economic Stabilization, the Honorable James Byrne
(Roosevelt’s confidante), and the Secretaries of Army and Navy agreed with Nelson to
adopt a system designed by the Executive Director of the Army-Navy Munitions Board,
Ferdinand Eberstandt. Called the Controlled Materials Plan (CMP), Eberstandt’s
brainchild used a vertical approach in controlling the materials. Nelson brought
Eberstandt into WPB in order to specifically manage the CMP controls of raw materials
and to smooth out production difficulties through administration of the program.
Eberstandt had a tremendous depth of experience at handling military munitions
programs, and through meetings with Nelson he began to realize that civilian
requirements also needed a set of priorities right along with military requirements. The
CMP developed a balance between the two within industry. This outstanding
development successfully worked out most of the supply, allocation, and priority system
bottlenecks that had caused much frustration among industrialists and the military
customers alike, and WPB used it throughout the remainder of the war. The CMP made
a direct and positive contribution to managing the strategic and critical raw materials of
the nation that ultimately helped bring a swifter end to the war. The CMP helped the
United States to pull out of the gigantic slump beginning to affect war production in the
early part of 1942, when the Axis Powers seemed to be winning the war. According to
Nelson, the Allies came dangerously close to losing the war in this early stage of World
War II although much of this information did not surface fully for public consumption.
In this respect, WPB and the CMP benefited from the experiences of the War Industries
Board and by having Bernard M. Baruch ever ready to lend a hand as an advisor during
the war. (Arsenal of Democracy, Pages 342 and 364 and others; (GEARING UP FOR
VICTORY: American Military and Industrial Mobilization in World War II, Colloquium
on Contemporary History, June 25, 1991, No. 5, Navy Historical Center Department of
the Navy, Washington, D.C., 1992, 75 pages; “Fighting on Our Own Ground: The War
of Production, 1920-1942, by Dr. Thomas C. Hone, Pages 1-17; Morgan, The Domestic
Mining Industry of the US in WW II, page 230)
Although the CMP worked out the allocation crisis brewing in the middle of
World War II over strategic and critical materials, there still remained shortages of these
materials for many industries. The limited supplies of raw materials never caused a total
shortage of end products during the war, even though in the case of rubber, and some
other end products, modifications took place to keep the shortages at bay through the use
of synthetic substitutes. In 1940, through urging of the Advisory Commission of the
Council of National Defense (NDAC), the government began looking at building
synthetic rubber plants. The Japanese had captured the Asian countries, which provided
practically all of the rubber used in the United States. Through quick research and
development procedures, synthetic rubber substitutes became available early on in the
war. Thus, as a direct result of the war, a new industry became available to America
enlarged upon in the postwar years. In fact, 98 percent of tires in the United States relied
on synthetics in 1946. (Hearings Before the Special Subcommittee of the Committee on
Armed Services, House of Representatives, 89
th
Congress, 2
nd
Session. Stockpiling of
Strategic and Critical Materials; National Defense University, Lecture Series L48-40,
Raw Materials (Ores, Semi-Processed “B” Products), LTC Manfred Hass, 20
November 1947, page 2; Arsenal of Democracy, Page 290 and 295)
During World War II, industrial problems surfaced more as a direct result of
poor estimations of the required raw materials essential to industry in making the end
products than attributed to outright shortages of materials. Additionally, problems arose
in the intermediary levels associated with production estimates in the planning stages
caused, in part, by military planners who never received peacetime training in various
areas such as forge capacity and gear-cutting capacities necessary in plants that made
gears for transmissions used in heavy trucks, and in axles used by these same trucks. In
industry, difficulties arose in understanding that this lack of training by military planners
even existed, and this miscommunication resulted in shortage issues. In their normal
peacetime practices industrial personnel could easily order gears and other such
necessities from other firms. Unfortunately, they learned that with wartime controls, no
such option existed as an alternative. (Lecture Series L48-40, “Raw Materials (Ores,
Semi-Processed “B” Products),”;
(http://www.ibiblio.org/hyperwar/ATO/Admin/WarProgram/WarProgram-2.html page 2
of 8, accessed 27 September 2007; The United States at War: Development and
Administration of the War Program by the Federal Government, Chapter II, “Preparing
for Defense”)
The years 1940-1945 saw the largest increase in industrial and military
procurements made by the United States in the history of the world. Strategic and
critical materials came into this country from all areas of the world and in every
conceivable domestic mining industry in the country. Procurement of materials, war
munitions, equipment, factories, manpower, and military installations progressed beyond
anyone’s imagination in the build-up years of 1942 and 1943. Prior to the war, in 1939,
President Roosevelt called for increasing the number and the types of new aircraft the
Army and Navy would need to improve and modernize the military services. All told,
the United States produced 5,865 aircraft in 1939, the largest single production year to
that time. In 1940, Roosevelt again called for increases not only in aircraft, but all
military equipages such as tanks and ships. When he announced the need to produce
50,000 aircraft annually, not many people in the government, or in the country believed
such numbers even possible. Certainly, the Axis Powers did not think a democracy
could produce at such levels. Yet, between 1 January 1940 and 14 August 1945, the
American workers produced 303,317 military aircraft. Even at that astounding number,
the United States aircraft industry never reached its full potential in reference to quality
or quantity, because the war ended the need for further production. During the war
production of strategic and critical materials increased dramatically, especially in the
three most essential of materials; steel, aluminum, and copper. In fact, the production of
strategic and critical materials increased by 60 percent. (Arsenal of Democracy, page
354-355; HyperWar: Peace and War: United States Foreign Policy, 1931-1941,
Department of State Bulletin, vol. II, p. 529, “Address Delivered by President Roosevelt
to the Congress, May 16, 1940,” http://www.ibiblio.org/hyperwar/Dip/PaW/156.html
;
pages 527-532, (accessed 27 September 2007)
In 1941, because of the problems associated with gaining accurate estimates,
steel became severely short and threatened the production of ships. To solve this
problem, the government ordered dramatic increases in the production of “plate” steel
within existing steel facilities that had previously produced sheet steel for automobiles.
With new equipment immediately installed for manufacturing of plate steel, the
production levels increased to 1,200,000 tons annually. Otherwise, the country had to
rely on newly built factories for plate production and these did not get finished until
1943 and 1944. Using plate steel helped ease the problem, but only after WPB acquired
the services of Hiland G. Batcheller, the President of Allegheny Ludlum Steel
Corporation, as the so-called “steel czar,” who got a handle on the steel problem and its
control. (Arsenal of Democracy, Page 355-356)
In regard to aluminum, expansion of private facilities through government aid
increased production, along with the government building its own plants. Plants in
Canada increased annual capacities also. This brought the total annual production up
from 327 million pounds in 1939, to a whapping 2,250,000,000 pounds by October of
1943. (Arsenal of Democracy, page 353-354)
The last of the three most critical of strategic materials, copper, presented a more
difficult situation than steel or aluminum. The government searched every foreign
source available and also increased domestic production. Much came from Mexico and
Chile, but the price came high. Nelson and his associates set up a premium price plan
that included an incentive for producers if they exceeded production quotas. The
government even opened up, through finances, new mines, and helped expand existing
mines, but there remained a constant problem of never enough copper. All told, 270
mines operated domestically, but they only produced 1.5 percent of the copper needed
for the war effort. The rest came from substituting, scrap, and from foreign sources. As
a result, silver became a huge substitute for copper. At that time silver had no real
strategic use as a war material. By using it as a substitution silver became a strategic
material with value in war production. (Arsenal of Democracy, page 354-355)
According to Nelson, no other industry in America did more to help the war
effort than the automobile manufacturers. In early 1942, the “big” three companies of
Ford, General Motors, and Chrysler Corporation, if combined together, amounted to the
third largest industry in the United States. They held over 1,000 factories between them
with 850 vehicle and parts companies. They controlled literally thousands of
subcontractors located across the country in 1,375 cities and 44 states. The car
companies had a half-million employees, producing products from many of the raw
materials classified as strategic and critical. In particular they used some of the most
essential materials to the war effort including steel, aluminum, copper, chrome, and
rubber.
However, the most important aspects of the car industries lay in their
sophisticated assembly-line processes and standardization unequalled anywhere else on
earth. When the last civilian automobile rolled off the assembly line in February 1942,
during the war, WPB managed to get the services of all the manufacturers to convert
from peacetime production to using their vast expertise in making war goods. Nelson
praised their competitive spirit, which carried over from peacetime competition, and
each company’s army of technicians redirected this energy into ways to out produce the
others through developing new techniques and equipment that sped up the mass
production of all types of war goods. They set a high example of results in turning
strategic and critical materials into these war products. (Arsenal of Democracy, pages
212-213)
V. Origins of New Stockpile Legislation
How the United States dealt with shortages of strategic and critical materials
during World War II contributed to the ever-growing belief that maintaining a National
Stockpile at the end of the war remained a necessary step towards securing America’s
peace in the postwar years. Congress held hearings on these issues that eventually
resulted in legislation that successfully determined how America’s economy and
industry should be shaped after lifting war-related economic controls. Industrialists, and
men like Bernard M. Baruch, feared that surpluses, such as after World War I, would be
vastly devastating to the post-World War II return to a peacetime economy. So,
Congress held debates and commissioned reports centered on what to do with such
surpluses. Should there be a permanent governmental instrumentality to control these
surpluses? Should the United States assist its war-torn allies, and the economies of the
defeated Axis Powers by providing surplus property to help them back onto their feet?
If the United States did this, would there be sufficient surpluses of raw materials for the
American economy to transition from defense production to those industries providing
housing, and jobs for the thousands of American military personnel returning to the
civilian sector? While Congress debated these and many other issues relating to the
postwar transition, the idea of continuing a stockpiling program remained strong. The
questions that arose from 1943 to the end of the war had to do with who would run the
stockpile, how would it get materials, what would it contain, and how much of each
strategic and critical material did the nation need for adequate national defense.
Congress Debates Surplus Property and New Stockpile Legislation
Even as early as 1943, the United States Congress began debating the
circumstances surrounding the successful conclusion of World War II. However, the
largest problem they saw ahead had to do with downsizing the gigantic war economy.
The economy then stood at $194 billion worth of goods and services being produced per
year, with a GNP of $98 billion. This amounted to doubling the GNP since the year
1940. In regard to personnel then serving in the military they believed the numbers
would peak at 11.3 million men and women, and most of these would need jobs after the
war along with the eight million civilian workers then employed—with women making
up a large segment. Congress estimated that half of America’s economy related
specifically to war production, and if so, when the war terminated, how would industry
handle the influx of military personnel all with the same desire to return to civilian
employment, or if already a civilian employee, where would their next jobs be
generated? Congress had its hands full. (Source: Senate subcommittee Report No. 2,
Report of the War Contracts Subcommittee to the Committee on Military Affairs,
Pursuant to S. Res. 198: “A Resolution to Investigate War Contracts the Termination of
War Contracts and Related Problems,” March 1944, pages 14-15 (GPO, 1944, 17 pages;
Biographical Directory of the U.S. Senate:
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=S000196 , “Scrugham, James
G.” (accessed 27 September 2007).
With this as a backdrop, Congress debated and passed a War Surplus Act in
1944, (Public Law 457-78
th
Congress). This legislation had a profound affect upon
stockpiling in the United States. For instance, Section 22 of the Act provided for the
transfer of government owned surpluses of strategic and critical materials to those
already procured under the first stockpiling Act, Public Law 117, still held by the
Procurement Division of the Treasury Department. Thus, Congress fixed the means by
which surpluses would be transferred to the nation’s stockpile under Public Law 117 to
help it grow. By doing this Congress gave recognition, and set a precedent, that
materials acquired by Public Law 117 would be the nucleus of the post-World War II
stockpiling activities. The War Surplus Act gave industry protection from one of their
greatest postwar fears that too much of everything would be dumped onto the economy
just as after World War I. The War Surplus Act had a provision that protected the
minerals industries against such sudden dumping, and this strengthened the outlook of
these industries after the war. While this helped gain industry support, another provision
gave industry a priority over the stockpile program in the purchasing of materials, which
might be in short supply after the war. In this manner, the reconversion program assured
the economy would get first priority of materials over the stockpiling program. This
provision led to the stockpile program coming up short on many of its materials listed as
strategic and critical in the postwar years. Instead of huge surpluses of materials after
the war, as industry experts feared, a shortage of many materials actually occurred, in
addition to a critical shortage of transportation for these materials. The stockpile
program had to wait until materials became available in excess of the needs of the
American economy. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-1)
New Stockpiling Legislation for the Postwar Period
Debates began during World War II concerning a possible revision of the Stock
Piling Act of 1939. This entailed about a two-year period when legislative initiatives
received consideration from all of the players in the stockpile program with vested
interests. This period began around the time the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the military
services informed the War Production Board in a letter dated 17 September 1943, that
they wished to maintain a stockpile of strategic and critical materials upon the
conclusion of the war. In their judgment, this stockpile would prohibit future
embarrassment like the country had just gone through in the early years of the war of
having far too many shortages. They further advised WPB to inform American industry
that a stockpile would be for reserving materials for “future national emergencies only.”
Donald Nelson who still remained in charge of WPB, also agreed with the concept of a
National Stockpile. The military services went even further by having MG Lucius D.
Clay (later a full general), then serving as the Director of Requirements for the Army
Service Forces, report to Congress that the Army and the Navy, both wanted an
established stockpile of strategic and critical materials after the war. Some of what Clay
wanted came in passage of the Surplus Property Act in 1944. (Morgan, Domestic
Mining, pages 368-369)
The military had concluded that a postwar National Stockpile at least for military
resources would be extremely important. In their somewhat limited viewpoint, the
military never envisioned a stockpile also available for civilian industry, and this became
a much debated political point in establishment of the eventual stockpile program. The
Armed Forces believed that a reserve of essential materials established well in advance
of a future war would remove much of the dependence of the industrial community upon
the domestic mining producers. The reason a stockpile had been needed in the first
place in their view, resulted from the United States not having the necessary materials
for military war requirements; coming from foreign sources. The military experts
argued that a National Stockpile should contain only those materials needed by the
military to achieve military requirements. They believed that for the stockpile to be
anything else, such as one used for civilian purposes, or for aid programs in the future
would require a separately legislated governmental program. (Snyder, page 9)
The physical form in which the materials would be stored also could save
manpower, transportation, smelting services, and refining expenditures. Consequently,
some mineral experts advocated even after the war that storage of metal bars offered a
more efficient material to be stockpiled over the cheaper and less processed stockpiling
of ores. The bars would have a small mass volume, but also have a high-value quality
that could immediately be put to use and thereby minimize the requirements on such
cost-induced activities like smelting, refining, and transportation. Shipping in World
War I and World War II had become critical for importing the minerals not produced by
the domestic mining industry. Thus, to reduce the transportation vulnerabilities and to
guarantee supplies of materials not available in North America, experts in and out of the
military then believed that a “pre-war stockpile” (meaning before the next war) met the
minimum needs in providing a remedy for any possible lack of transportation. The
stockpile would provide an investment with monetary value as it grew in peace time, and
would have immense value in the next war by saving time, smelting, refining, and
transportation vulnerabilities just to name a few of the advantages. (Morgan, Domestic
Mining, page 412)
Others cautioned against overproducing supplies in the postwar years that could
not be contained in a stockpile that would send the economy spiraling downward. The
champion of this philosophy remained the ubiquitous Bernard M. Baruch and an
associate John M. Hancock, who had been charged to write a report on War and Post-
War Adjustment for James F. Byrnes, the Director of the Office of War Mobilization.
Baruch and Hancock believed in controlling the economy as the first priority for the
government. Their report came during a prematurely optimistic period (as it turned out)
prior to the Battle of the Bulge (December 1944-January 1945). Many believed the war
would soon be over in Europe with what appeared to be an imminent collapse of
Germany, and the United States had to be ready with a postwar economy plan while
simultaneously finishing the war with Japan. The Battle of the Bulge halted the
premature optimism of an end of the war in Europe, and it also instigated another
production increase in war goods. The war in Europe lasted another five months after
the Battle of the Bulge.
However, in their report, Baruch and Hancock figured that many of the returning
military personnel needing jobs could be absorbed by such measures as women leaving
the workforce, older men retiring, and others returning to educational institutions. In
regard to the stockpile, they believed that shortsighted people would push for unneeded
overproduction in order to ‘borrow’ employment for the immediate short-term need to
reemploy returning veterans. This overproduction would lead to possible unemployment
in the future, and hang over the postwar market, leading to the depression of future
production, and unemployment and lower than break-even prices. Too much of a
surplus, they believed, would only lead to stockpile troubles in the future. Still, they did
believe in a “strategic reserve,” just not a large one. This stockpile would be made up of
materials not easily procured in this country for use in future wars. Since the price of
materials at the time of their report remained excessive because of the war, they
recommended waiting before buying large stocks of material until the prices fell. This
would allow for reserves, albeit small, but which would be a safety net for the future,
and they felt that deferring purchases to later years would be beneficial in stimulating
international trade at a more appropriate and advantageous time. (Baruch and Hancock,
War and Postwar Adjustment, pages 2-3, 20, 73)
Questions concerning the postwar stockpile remained to be resolved as to what
agency, or agencies would be responsible for stockpile operations. The military services
expected to maintain possession of the stockpile since the ANMB had continued to be
responsible for those materials purchased by the Treasury Department and maintained in
military depots throughout the war. The agency continued to do so even after the RFC
took over the majority of buying strategic and critical materials for the war effort. After
passage of the Act of June 1940, giving RFC broad powers of financial authority for the
war effort, RFC and the ANMB agreed that RFC would be responsible for the huge war
procurement activities, and ANMB would continue operating the much smaller stockpile
program and activities associated with Public Law 117-76
th
Congress. As a result, the
military services never requested the remaining $30 million authorized by Congress for
stockpile purchases, but which had not been appropriated for the Stock Piling Act of
1939. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-2; Snyder, pages 8-9
on control)
The Department of the Interior also wanted the stockpile operations, as did a few
other agencies. From the very beginning, the Department of Interior had contributed
significantly in the development of original legislation, and particularly through its
Bureau of Mines (BOM) and the Geological Survey, which kept data collection on all of
the strategic and critical materials, including source data and domestic development
information. The Bureau of Mines had worked interchangeably with ANMB even
before the Stock Piling Act of 1939, which allowed for the closeness of the stockpile
program within the Department of the Interior. The Interior, through its mandates as a
federal agency, had partnered with the mining industries of the country and its decisions
often favored the interests of the domestic mining industry. Through trade associations,
the mining industry had considerable lobbying interests in Washington. The Department
of State also had a vested interest in stockpiling and so did the Department of Commerce
to a lesser degree. The Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion also claimed
responsibility for the stockpile since in its view the program should be controlled by a
civilian agency associated with war mobilization activities. All the interested agencies
voiced their intentions about stockpile policy best suited to their respective agencies.
(Snyder, page 2-4 and 8-9; For a definitive understanding of the struggle over control of
the stockpile program during this period, read Snyder’s Chapter One, “The Stockpiling
Act of 1946”)
Revision of the Stock Piling Act of 1939, Public Law 117-76
th
Congress
Early in 1945 identical bills came before the House of Representatives and the
Senate regarding a new stockpile program. On 15 March 1945, the House introduced
H.R. 2624, and the next day the Senate introduced S. 752. Afterwards, respective
Committees of Military Affairs received the bills for discussion. The Senate Committee
on Military Affairs sent S. 752 to other government agencies for comments and
suggestions. When this happened, the Bureau of Budget sent its own stockpiling bill to
the Senate, S. 1481 that had differences from S. 752 and H.R. 2624. Apparently, the
Bureau of Budget’s bill contained changes wanted by the Harry S. Truman’s new
Presidential administration (Vice President Truman became president upon Roosevelt’s
untimely death in early 1945). Each bill introduced in the Legislature would only revise
the existing Stock Piling Act of 1939, not create a whole new concept. Of particular
note, each of these proposals would replace the Secretaries of War, Navy, and the
Interior as the primary controllers of the stockpile as administered through the ANMB.
Instead they envisioned using a Stockpile Board for administrative control of the
program. On 30 October 1945, Congress held a hearing on both S. 752 and S. 1481 by
the Subcommittee on Surplus Property of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs.
This resulted in further deliberations on 29 November 1945, to further revise S. 752,
producing a compromise bill between S. 752 and S. 1481. This compromise passed the
Senate on 20 December 1945, and then headed to the House of Representatives the next
day, where it received consideration from the House Committee on Military Affairs.
Hearings lasted through February 1946, and on 4 April 1946 the House reported the bill
with an amendment. This amendment represented a completely rewritten bill. The
House amendment put the control of the stockpile back into the hands of the original
agencies responsible in the first Stock Piling Act of 1939. The House then passed the
revision without any further changes. However, the Senate did not accept the amended
House version, and referred the bill to another Committee of Conference, which then
revised this version of the bill. In June 1946, both Houses took up consideration of this
version of the bill. This bill retained the control approved by the House’s rewritten
version, but gave up some aspects of fiscal arrangements. The House of Representatives
rejected the bill because of the fiscal arrangements put in by the Senate Bill, which had
to do with nonpayment of duty on foreign materials placed in the stockpile. So, a second
Conference Report on 3 July 1946 dropped the Senate proposal to eliminate the duty-
free provision. Finally, both Houses passed this legislation on 9 July 1946. On 23 July
1946, this final form of S. 752, the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling Act of
1946, became Public Law 520-79
th
Congress, when President Truman signed it.
(Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-3)
In the end, the Armed Forces won out due to their popularity being at an all-time
high after winning the war, and too, because of the precedence set prior to the war with
ANMB managing the original stockpiling act. Many believed the natural place for a
stockpile of strategic and critical materials fit more correctly within the military
establishment, but others believed that because the stockpile also handled civilian
industrial defense materials, the military would be too restrictive and narrow in its
management. The latter predicted correctly in the end. Still, similarly to the original
Act, ANMB would work with the Department of Interior equally with the Secretaries of
War and Navy in administration and policy decisions regarding what would be
stockpiled, the quantities to be stockpile, and in setting the qualities of materials in the
stockpile. Also, along with the Department of Agriculture, Interior had research and
development responsibilities that helped find new sources of domestic materials and in
development of substitutes and synthetics. Still, the military considered it a great victory
to remain in control of the stockpile. (Selling Defense Materials, pages 9) (Snyder, page
10)
World War II Stockpiling Activities Prior to Public Law 520-79
th
Congress
While the debates continued within Congress on a new stockpile program, the
existing stockpile program continued in operation—it did not go away during World
War II. Even though the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and other war agencies
did most of the bulk buying of raw materials for the war effort, ANMB continued to
manage the stockpiles purchased prior to 1943, and between the Purchase Branch of the
Procurement Division of Treasury, the Interior, and other such agencies, ANMB fulfilled
its obligations under the 1939 Act throughout the war period. In fact, much good work
came out of the activities during this period prior to the new stockpiling legislation
passed in 1946. Through the ANMB, and with the advice and assistance of the above
agencies delineated within the Stock Piling Act of 1939, a post-World War II stockpiling
program began to take shape in the latter part of 1943. Within this group the ANMB
also included the War Production Board (later called the Civilian Production
Administration (CPA) after the war) and the Department of Agriculture. The ANMB
reconstituted a former mechanism it had used called the Strategic Materials Committee
for this interagency planning organization. The Committee first tackled the specific
definitions of what strategic and critical materials meant in relation to the times (always
a nebulous activity). With ANMB approval the Strategic Materials Committee adopted
the following definitions:
“Strategic and critical materials are those materials required for
essential uses in a war emergency, the procurement of which in adequate
quantities, quality and time is sufficiently uncertain for any reason to
require prior provision for the supply thereof.”
Further, in defining necessary materials, the Strategic Materials Committee
placed the emphasis on the term “prior provision,” and recognized that the act of
physically stockpiling actually constituted but one of several possible meanings to assure
an ample supply of strategic and critical materials in the context of an emergency. This
led to further classifications of strategic and critical materials into an additional three-tier
corollary definition:
Group “A” comprised those strategic and critical materials for which stockpiling
remained the only satisfactory means of insuring an adequate supply for a future
emergency.
Group “B” comprised additional strategic and critical materials to which
stockpiling remained practicable. The Army and Navy Munitions Board recommended
their acquisition only to the extent they might be made available for transfer from
government agencies because adequacy of supply could be insured whether by
stimulation of existing North American production or by partial or complete use of
available substitutes.
Group “C” comprised those strategic and critical materials, which ANMB did
not then recommend for permanent stockpiling because in each case difficulties of
storage remained sufficient to outweigh the advantages to be gained by stockpiling.
Along with a few minor definitions of what constituted additional materials these
definitions stood only for a short time when, again, the definitions changed slightly on
20 November 1944. The ANMB included the revision in its report to Congress
submitted on 2 January 1945, as part of the requirements of Section 22 of the Surplus
Property Act of 1944. The framers of these categories cautioned against them remaining
static with new developments constantly improving substitutes, and conservation
measures. Plus, the war emergency at hand also made a profound affect upon what
constituted a strategic and critical material. As a result, this list of definitions did not
remain constant. (Brief History of Defense Materials Service (DMS P 3200.1 CHGE 1,
24 February 1970, page 1 (for Purchase Branch input); Stockpile Report to the Congress,
23 January 1947, Page II 3-4)
Along with the listed definitions and the lists of materials, ANMB included what
constituted the minimum quantities of Group “A,” as of 31 December 1946, with the
admonitions that the agency had based the minimum quantities on the best possible
“assumptions” made by the military, which should be purchased and maintained “to
provide for the security of the United States in event of a future war emergency.” They
further warned Congress that failure to maintain these minimum assumptions could
endanger the national security as a result of shortages that could arise within a relevantly
short timeframe if a major war broke out. The ANMB called for higher quantities of
materials than just those recommended as minimum objectives, of course within
practicable limits (probably based on the policy formulating in Congress then of
allowing industry a priority in buying materials in the reconversion period). (Stockpile
Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page A-1)
No transfers of surplus materials came to the stockpile until after 1 January 1946,
but long before this, stockpilers made plans for such transfers when and if they became
available. They worked on several other measures that included estimates for
transferring of materials, general plans for storage, and the important work of preparing
material specifications. ANMB employed numerous military officers and civilian
employees who had technical expertise and industrial backgrounds specific to raw
materials. Additionally, the Departments of Interior and Agriculture rendered invaluable
assistance. With these experts, compromises of different viewpoints between the
government and the consumer industry representatives affectively worked out material
specifications. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page II-4)
In the months just prior to passage of the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock
Piling Act of 1946, ANMB employees worked on acquisition plans for surplus materials
as authorized by the Surplus Property Act of 1944, Section 22. As of 31 December
1945, there still remained an amount of $24.1 million of the initial $70 million
appropriation for the original Stock Piling Act of 1939. Prior to this on 5 November
1945, The Army and Navy made a request proposal to the Secretary of the Treasury to
spend $22,370,000 of the remaining funding on thirteen additional strategic and critical
materials for the stockpile. However, because of the instability of the market at that
time, no commitments could be made. This did not stop the ANMB from making further
proposals. On 1 April 1946, they approved a request by the Strategic Materials
Committee to establish under it a Subcommittee to Study Current Supplies and Industrial
Requirements of Strategic Materials, chaired by the Civilian Production Administration
(succeeding WPB). The subcommittee included members from the Departments of the
Interior, State, Commerce, and Agriculture. They also included representatives of the
RFC. Based on findings of this subcommittee, ANMB cancelled the 5 November 1945
request for thirteen materials, and on 17 June 1946, presented another proposal with
sixteen materials listed, nine of which had never been placed in the stockpile program.
The ANMB expected delivery in Fiscal Year 1947, and before 31 December 1946, but
only if purchasing of the materials did not interfere with the economic needs of the
country. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page III-1)
In regard to funding and transfers from the Surplus Property Act of 1944, AMNB
prepared and then revised estimates of each of the strategic and critical materials that
would be available to the stockpile under the Surplus Act. This took place only after the
conclusion of World War II, officially referred to as “V-J Day” when Japan became the
last of the Axis Powers to surrender. (Victory in Japan, 15 August 1945, but President
Truman declared 2 September 1945 V-J Day since on that date Japan formally signed
the surrender terms on the USS Missouri; some still celebrate 14 August 1945 as V-J
Day since that is the date Americans heard of the surrender because of the time zone
difference with Japan). Funding for these transfers could not come from the funds left
over from the original Stock Piling Act of 1939. So, the Procurement Division of the
Treasury Department calculated the funding necessary to make the transfers and the
necessary costs associated with converting the materials (processing and beneficiation)
in these other agencies into the forms most desirable for the new stockpiling program.
They submitted this budget request to the Bureau of Budget, which amounted to $90
million. In turn, the Bureau of Budget negotiated with the Reconstruction Finance
Corporation, who owned the majority of transferable materials in its Metal Reserve
Corporation. Through this arrangement the RFC budgeted for expenses associated with
the conversion of these materials for the National Stockpile. This further brought down
the budget estimate submitted by the Procurement Division to $19 million. The Bureau
of Budget sent this budget to the Congress with an attached request for the funds still
available under the original Stock Piling Act of 1939 to be carried forward for handling
purposes of the surplus property. In addition, the request also included a stipulation to
use the remaining sum from the original law, dwindling to about $22 million by this
time, for the purposes of purchasing materials as intended in the Act of 1939.
Unfortunately for the stockpile program, Congress had stipulated in the Reconstruction
Finance Corporation Appropriation Act for Fiscal Year 1947 that RFC could not
perform work on behalf of another agency without being reimbursed. This came late in
the fiscal year, April 1946, and as a result, it brought most of the RFC transfers to a halt.
Some transfers did occur as a result of the urgent necessity of moving materials from
their original location and in an effort to save the government from paying double
handling expenditures while being offloaded at points of entry from foreign sources.
(Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 July 1947, page I-4; Stockpile Report to the
Congress, 23 January 1947, page III-3; Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V-J_Day , “Victory Over Japan,” (accessed 27 September
2007)
The Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling Act of 1946 (Public Law
520-79
th
Congress)
The new Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling Act of 1946 (SCM)
continued to use the Department of Treasury’s Procurement Division, Purchase Branch
for purchasing the necessary materials and to provide storage, security, maintenance,
refining and processing if necessary, and rotation of obsolete, or deteriorating materials.
The division also had disposal authority for those ‘obsolescent’ or deteriorating
materials. However, the Procurement Division only acted upon the direction of the
Secretaries of War and Navy concerning these issues. (Selling Defense Materials, pages
8-9)
The new SCM contained a clause “so far as practicable,” which became in later
years a point of contention in regard to purchases made of materials which came from
supplies in excess of the current industrial needs of the country. Requirements contained
in the new stockpile legislation forbid the purchase of materials needed by industry in
the reconversion period. This came as a precautionary so the American economy could
get a jump-start through quick industrial development with having a priority on the
surplus materials left over from the war. The stipulation also caused the stockpile to
limit the intake of certain materials, and certain established quantities of other materials
predetermined by the ANMB to be strategic and critical. (Selling Defense Materials,
page 9; Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Armed Services House
of Representatives, 89
th
Congress, 2d Session, “Stockpiling of Strategic and Critical
Materials,” GPO, Washington: 1950, pages 7471-7691, page 7574, mentions activities
associated with the Bureau of Mines research and development data)
Then too, the Congress required the new Stockpile Act to abide by the 1933
“Buy American Act,” which meant that materials must come from domestic sources by
preference with one exception—Stockpilers could disregard the stipulation in the Buy
American legislation that purchases must be advertised first. Still the stipulation to buy
American first became extremely controversial. It resulted from the American Mining
lobbying interests, and it caused President Truman to make a public statement against
the mandate when he signed the stockpile legislation into law (See complete text in side-
bar of Truman statement). The President and the military services believed that the
requirement to abide by the Buy American Act circumvented the original purpose of
establishing a National Stockpile—to have on-hand those materials which could not be
acquired domestically in large enough amounts to be used in a national emergency.
They further believed that domestic materials should remain available as a “reserve”
outside of the stockpile program. Parts of the Strategic and Critical Stock Piling Act of
1946 seemed counter to this objective to the President, and that to abide by the Buy
American Act would impede the enlargement of the stockpile in the long run of those
supplies of essential materials so badly needed from foreign sources expected to be
housed on American soil in time of a national emergency. (Selling Defense Materials,
page 9; Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Armed Services House
of Representatives, 89
th
Congress, 2d Session, “Stockpiling of Strategic and Critical
Materials,” GPO, Washington: 1950, pages 7471-7691, page; Snyder, page 77)
SIDE BAR: Statement by the President Upon Signing the Strategic and
Critical Materials Stockpiling Act, July 23, 1946
I HAVE TODAY signed the Strategic and Critical Materials Stockpiling Act
because it is important to the national interest that this Government have the
power to acquire stockpiles.
It is only because of the overriding importance of this purpose that I am
able to overcome my reluctance to signing a bill which reaffirms the application to
stockpile purchases of the provisions of Title III of the Act of March 3, 1933 (47
Stat. 1520), known as the Buy American Act. Those provisions will not only
materially increase the cost of the proposed stockpiles but will tend to defeat the
conservation and strategic objectives of the bill by further depleting our already
inadequate underground reserves of strategic materials. Furthermore, there can be
a serious conflict between those provisions and the foreign economic policy which
this Government is actively pursuing. It also seems to me that the application of the
Buy American Act may frequently hamper the effective achievement of the essential
purpose of the legislation which is to enlarge the stock of vital raw materials
available within our borders in time of possible emergency.
The Buy American Act requires that only articles produced or
manufactured from materials originating in the United States shall be purchased
for public use. However, the Act also provides that exceptions to this rule may be
made when Buy American purchases are determined "to be inconsistent with the
public interest or the cost to be unreasonable." This provision clearly indicates
that the stockpiling program should not be used as a means of generally
subsidizing those domestic producers who otherwise could not compete
successfully with other domestic or foreign producers. Furthermore, to ensure that
the necessary stockpiles are accumulated as rapidly as deemed advisable and with
a minimum cost to the public, this Act should not be used as a device to give
domestic interests an advantage over foreign producers of strategic materials
greater than that provided by the tariff laws.
It is the policy of this Government to work for international action to
reduce trade barriers. We have proposed to other countries a set of principles
governing trade, and look forward to the successful conclusion of broad
international arrangements embodying the essential principles of these proposals.
Pending the conclusion of such arrangements, it is the policy of this Government to
avoid taking measures that will raise barriers to trade or prejudice the objectives
of the forthcoming discussions. We are asking other countries to follow similar
policies.
The United States is opposed to governmental policies fostering autarchy, for itself
as well as for others. Encouragement of uneconomic domestic production and
unjustified preferential treatment of domestic producers destroys trade and so
undermines our national economic strength. A large volume of soundly based
international trade is essential if we are to achieve prosperity in the United States,
build a durable structure of world economy and attain our goal of world peace and
security.
(Harry S. Truman Library and Museum: Public Papers of the President No.
174: Statement by the President Upon Signing the Strategic and Critical Materials
Stockpiling Act,” 23 July 1947:
http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=1671, accessed 27
September 2007)
Disposals of materials through the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling
Act (SCM) had to receive Congressional approval except for those materials considered
obsolescent. Obsolescent materials have throughout the history of the stockpile included
those that lose value through deterioration, or those that have lost their value as strategic
and critical materials because other and better materials became replacements. The Act
required that disposed materials be advertised as such in the Federal Register six months
prior to any disposal sales, but only after Congress had received notification of the
disposal, through the Military Affairs Committees of each Congressional House. In the
disposal report, Stockpile administrators had to give the reasons for the materials
disposal, or release, and a detailed plan of the disposition including the expected date the
materials would become available for disposition. In order to protect producers,
processors, and the consumers against possible market disruptions, the predetermined
date set in the report for the disposal remained unchanged. (DMS Selling Defense
Materials, pages 10)
Those materials falling outside of the obsolescence and rotation (disposal) arena,
as described above, could only be released by two methods: 1) by order of the President
if he determined that the release justified the purpose of common defense, and 2) during
a time of war or a national emergency so proclaimed by the President. An agency
designated by the President for such authority could also issue the release order, but with
the understanding that it would be for national defense purposes only. (Selling Defense
Materials, pages 10)
The Act also stipulated that transfers of materials from other government
agencies could take place if required by the stockpile in order to fill stockpile objectives
set for those materials, but with the qualifier that only after the need by industry had
been fulfilled and directed by the Civilian Production Administration (CPA). Those
agencies wishing to transfer materials could not charge for the transaction, or expect
reimbursement. (Selling Defense Materials, pages 11)
As stated earlier, scientific, technical, and economic research of materials that
might become part of the National Stockpile became the responsibilities of the
Departments of the Interior and Agriculture. Also especially helpful, funding
appropriated for stockpile purposes could be made available with no time limit attached.
However, the Treasury Department’s general fund received the other money generated
by disposals, with the exception of money derived from rotation of materials. With
some modifications through the years, these general policies continued to govern the
stockpile, particularly relating to disposals and releases through the late 1960s.
However, organizationally, the stockpile saw many changes over the years, which began
soon after the enactment of the law. (Selling Defense Materials, page 11)
Soon, Congress held hearings on the funding issue in relation to the original
Stock Piling Act of 1939 (Public Law 117), the new Stock Piling Act of 1946, and the
Surplus Property Act as requested by the Bureau of Budget. This led to a new law
stipulating how the funds remaining from Public Law 117 had to be used—designated as
Public Law 521-79
th
Congress. Funds could only be used for the transfers and
maintenance of surplus materials only. Any leftover funding from these activities had to
be returned to the General Treasury. No new funding for Public Law 520, SCM, would
be made available for use towards purchases of materials until Congress acted again for
this specific purpose. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-5;
Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1949, page 37)
The Procurement Division of the Department of Treasury acted quickly after
Congress enacted Public Law 520 for the explicit purpose of obtaining funding for the
new stockpile. The Bureau of Budget received this request in the amount of $270
million, and of course, this amount precluded any amount necessary for meeting the
handling expenditures covered in Public Law 521 for surplus property. The budget for
SCM became a joint effort between the Departments of War and Navy, which covered
purchases and expenditures for establishment of the new stockpile program beginning in
Fiscal Year 1947, and extending into early 1948, depending upon commitments made
contractually in FY 47. Once received, the Bureau of Budget cut the Procurement
Division’s request to $250 million. Congress further cut the amount to $100 million by
a joint resolution, and President Truman signed the legislation on 8 August 1946 (Public
Law 663-79
th
Congress). (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, page I-5;
Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1949, page 37)
Conclusion
The process of stockpiling materials dates back many thousands of years. In the United
States the need for industrial stockpiling emerged from the impact of industrialization
and the lessons learned beginning in World War I. This led to the classification of
specific materials as strategic and critical to sustain the United States for national
defense purposes. Organizations developed during the interwar years to make these
classifications and to maintain a growing bank of information surrounding vital
materials. The idea of establishing a National Stockpile originated during these years,
which led to establishment of the Strategic and Critical Stock Piling Act of 1939 (Public
Law 117-76
th
Congress, 7 June 1939). The approaching possibility of going to war with
the Axis Powers significantly impacted President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s decision to
sign the Stock Piling Act into law. World War II greatly shifted the balance of
maintaining a National Stockpile, and for the duration of the war strategic and critical
materials procurements came under control of the various super-agencies ran by civilians
appointed by the President. The war years through 1946 saw a tremendous upheaval in
the United States. The world marveled at the industrial might of the United States as it
came on line practically at full strength by 1943, truly becoming the “arsenal of
democracy,” so labeled by Roosevelt. Those raw materials coming from all parts of the
earth to build the weaponry and equipment needed to swing the pendulum of World War
II victory into the hands of the Allies took the forms and shapes of guns, aircraft, tanks,
ships, clothing, and thousands of other related items. Not only guns, but also the United
States philosophically speaking, produced the “butter” that fed the multitudes of citizens
and soldiers alike all across the world. With victory in Europe and then in Japan, the
war effort had to swing back into a reconversion mode of peacetime economics.
Through the efforts of many citizens, the world once again marveled at the flexibility of
the economic mechanization that soon returned the United States to “normalcy” in the
postwar years. For the first time, the leaders of the country, and in no small part, the
citizens of the country did not return to the isolationist sentiment that had prevailed after
World War I. This time, America helped establish institutions that would, ideally, lead
the country and the world into better relations. The idea prevailed to make the United
States safer through a more unified national defense structure. Within this apparatus,
came the revised Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling Act of 1946, composed of
materials mostly from foreign sources of supply. In fact, the stockpile defined “foreign
origin” materials as those mined or grown outside of the United States, which often
became processed in the United States following importation and delivery to the
stockpile. Materials mined, or grown, in the United States received the designation
“domestic origin.” By stockpiling these rare but necessary materials the United States
became better prepared for the next war in the years ahead. And after World War II very
few people naively believed in the World War I concept of a war to end all wars,
although the atomic bomb would add a whole new frightening dimension to this theory.
So, the National Stockpile began to grow as the economy of the country rebuilt into a
stronger, more powerful world force than ever before. The standard of living in America
continued to grow as the nation grew in strength and in posture in its new world position.
No other country could match the industrial capability of the United States at the end of
World War II, but there continued to be those powers with intentions of gaining world
dominance if possible. The new stockpile organization faced this reality in the postwar
years. (Stockpile Report to the Congress, 23 January 1947, Part II, page II-2
APPENDIX ONE
STRATEGIC AND CRITICAL MATERIALS STOCK PILING ACT
(50 U.S.C. 98 et seq.)
As Amended by the National Defense Authorization Act
For Fiscal Years 1988-1989
(The First Year After Transferring to the Defense Logistic Agency)
SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the “Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling
Act.”
FINDINGS AND PURPOSE
SECTION 2. (a) The Congress finds that the natural resources of the United States in
certain strategic and critical materials are deficient or insufficiently developed to supply
the military, industrial, and essential civilian needs of the Untied States for national
defense.
(b) It is the purpose of this Act to provide for the acquisition and retention of stocks of
certain strategic and critical materials and to encourage the conservation and
development of sources of such materials within the United States and thereby to
decrease and to preclude, when possible, a dangerous and costly dependence by the
United States upon foreign sources for supplies of such materials in times of national
emergency.
(c) In providing for the National Defense Stockpile under this Act, congress establishes
the following principles:
(1) The purpose of the National Defense Stockpile is to serve the interest of
national defense only. The National Defense Stockpile is not to be used for
economic or budgetary purposes.
(2) The quantities of materials to be stockpiled under this Act should be
sufficient to sustain the United States for a period of not less than three years
during a national emergency situation that would necessitate total
mobilization of the economy of the United States for a sustained conventional
global war of indefinite duration.
MATERIALS TO BE ACQUIRED: PRESIDENTIAL AUTHORITY AND
GUIDELINES
SECTION 3. (a) Subject to subsection (c), the President shall determine from time to
time,(1) which materials are strategic and critical materials for the purposes of this Act,
and (2) the quality and quantity of each such material to be acquired for the purposes of
this Act and the form in which each such material shall be acquired and stored. Such
materials when acquired, together with the other materials described in section 4 of this
Act, shall constitute and be collectively known as the National Defense Stockpile
(hereinafter in this Act referred to as the “stockpile.”)
(b) The President shall make the determinations required to be made under subsection
(a) on the basis of the principles states in section 2(c).
(c) (1) The quantity of any material to be stockpiled under this Act, as in effect on
September 30, 1987, may be changed only as provided in this subsection or as otherwise
provided by law enacted after the date of enactment of the National Defense Stockpile
Amendments of 1987.
(2) If the President proposes to change the quantity of any material to be stockpiled
under this Act, the President shall include a full explanation and justification for the
change in the next annual material plan submitted to the Congress under section 11(b).
(3) If the proposed change in the case of any material would result in a new requirement
for the quantity of such material different from the requirement for that material in effect
on September 30, 1987, by less than 10 percent, the change may be made by the
President effective on or after the first day of the first fiscal year beginning after the
explanation and justification for the proposed change is submitted pursuant to paragraph
(2).
(4) In the case of a proposed change not covered by paragraph (3), the proposed change
may be made only to the extent expressly authorized by law.
(5) If in any year the reports required by sections 11(b) and 14 are not submitted to
Congress as required by law (including the time for such submission), then during the
next fiscal year no change under paragraph (3) may be made in the quantity of any
material to be stockpiled under this Act.
MATERIALS CONSTITUTING THE NATIONAL DEFENSE STOCKPILE
SECTION 4. (a) The stockpile consists of the following materials:
(1) Materials acquired under this Act and contained in the national stockpile on
July 29, 1979
(2) Materials acquired under this Act after July 29, 1979
(3) Materials in the supplemental stockpile established by section 104(b) of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954 (as in effect
from September 21, 1959, through December 31, 1966) on July 29, 1979.
(4) Materials acquired by the United States under the provisions of section 303
of the Defense Production Act of 1950 (50 U.S. C. App. 2093) and
transferred to the stockpile by the President pursuant to subsection (f) of such
section.
(5) Materials transferred to the United States under section 663 of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2423) that have been determined to be
strategic and critical materials for the purposes of this Act and that are
allocated by the President under subsection (b) of such section for stockpiling
in the stockpile.
(6) Materials acquired by the Commodity Credit Corporation and transferred to
the stockpile under section 4(h) of the Commodity Credit Corporation
Charter Act (15 U.S.C. 714b(h)).
(7) Materials acquired by the Commodity Credit Corporation under paragraph
(2) of section 103(a) of the Act entitled “An Act to provide for greater
stability in agriculture; to augment the marketing and disposal of agricultural
products; and for other purposes,” approved August 28, 1954 (7 U.S. C.
1743(a)), and transferred to the stockpile under the third sentence of such
section.
(8) Materials transferred to the stockpile by the President under paragraph (4) of
section 103(a) of such Act of August 28, 1954.
(9) Materials transferred to the stockpile under subsection (b).
(b) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, any material that (1) is under the
control of any department or agency of the United States, (2) is determined by the head
of such department or agency to be excess to its needs and responsibilities, and (3) is
required for the stockpile shall be transferred to the stockpile. Any such transfer shall be
made without reimbursement to such department or agency, but all costs required to
effect such transfer shall be paid or reimbursed from funds appropriated to carry out this
Act.
AUTHORITY FOR STOCKPILE OPERATIONS
SECTION 5. (a) (1) Except for acquisitions made under the authority of paragraph (3) or
(4) of section 6(a), no funds may be obligated or appropriated for acquisition of any
material under this Act unless funds for such acquisition have been authorized by law.
Funds appropriated for such acquisition (and for transportation and other incidental
expenses related to such acquisition) shall remain available until expended, unless
otherwise provided in appropriation Acts.
(2) If for any fiscal year the President proposes certain stockpile transactions in the
annual materials plan submitted to Congress for that year under section 11(b) and after
that plan is submitted the President proposes (or Congress requires) a significant change
in any such transaction, or a significant transaction not included in such plan, no amount
may be obligated or expended for such transaction during such year until the President
has submitted a full statement of the proposed transaction to the appropriate committees
of Congress and a period of 30 days has passed from the date of the receipt of such
statement by such committees. In computing any 30-day period for the purpose of the
preceding sentence, there shall be excluded any day on which either House of Congress
is not in session because of an adjournment of more than three days to a day certain.
(b) Except for disposals made under the authority of paragraph (3), (4), or (5) of
section 6(a) or under section 7(a), no disposal may be made from the stockpile (1) unless
such disposal, including the quantity of the material to be disposed of, has been
specifically authorized by law, or (2) if the disposal would result in there being an
unobligated balance in the National Defense Stockpile Transaction Fund in excess of
$100,000,000.
(c) There is authorized to be appropriated such sums as may be necessary to
provide for the transportation, processing, refining, storage, security, maintenance,
rotation, and disposal of materials contained in or acquired by the stockpile. Funds
appropriated for such purposes for which appropriated for a period of two fiscal years, if
so provided in appropriation Acts.
STOCKPILE MANAGEMENT
SECTION 6. (a) The President shall
(1) acquire the materials determined under section 3(a) to be strategic and critical
materials;
(2) provide for the proper storage, security, and maintenance of materials in the
stockpile;
(3) provide for the refining or processing of any material in the stockpile when necessary
to convert such material into a form more suitable for storage and subsequent
dispositions;
(4) provide for the rotation of any material in the stockpile when necessary to prevent
deterioration of such material by replacement of such material with an equivalent
quantity of substantially the same material;
(5) subject to the notification required by subsection (d)(2), provide for the timely
disposal of materials in the stockpile that (A) are excess to stockpile requirements, and
(B) may cause a loss to the Government if allowed to deteriorate; and
(6) subject to the provisions of section 5(b), dispose of materials in the stockpile the
disposal of which is specifically authorized by law.
(b) Except as provided in subsections (c) and (d), acquisitions of strategic and critical
materials under this Act shall be made in accordance with established Federal
procurement practices, and, except as provided in subsections (c) and (d) and in section
7(a), disposal of materials from the stockpile shall be made by formal advertising or
competitive negotiation procedures. To the maximum extent feasible
(1) Competitive procedures shall be used in the acquisition and disposal of such
materials;
(2) efforts shall be made in the acquisition and disposal of such materials to
avoid undue disruption of the usual markets of producers, processors, and consumers of
such materials and to protect the United States against avoidable loss; and
(3) disposal of such materials shall be made for domestic consumption.
(c) (1) The President shall encourage the use of barter in the acquisition of strategic and
critical materials for, and the disposal of materials from, the stockpile when acquisition
or disposal by barter is authorized by law and is practical and in the best interest of the
United States.
(c)(2) Materials in the stockpile, the disposition of which is authorized by law, shall be
available for transfer at fair market value as payment for expenses (including
transportation and other incidental expenses) of acquisition of materials, or of refining,
processing, or rotating materials, under this Act.
(c)(3) To the extent otherwise authorized by law, property owned by the United States
may be bartered for material needed for the stockpile.
(d)(1) The President may waive the applicability of any provision of the first sentence of
subsection (b) to any acquisition of material for, or disposal of material from, the
stockpile. Whenever the President waives any such provision with respect to any such
acquisition or disposal, or whenever the President determines that the application of
paragraph (1), (2), or (3) of such subsection to a particular acquisition or disposal is not
feasible, the President shall notify the Committees on Armed Services of the Senate and
House of Representatives in writing of the proposed acquisition or disposal at least thirty
days before any obligation of the United States is incurred in connection with such
acquisition or disposal and shall include in such notification the reasons for not
complying with any provision of such subsection.
(d)(2) Materials in the stockpile may be disposed of under subsection (a)(5) only if the
Committees on Armed Services of the Senate and House of Representatives are notified
in writing of the proposed disposal at least thirty days before any obligation of the
United States is incurred in connection with such disposal.
(e) The President may acquire leasehold interests in property, for periods not in excess of
twenty years, for storage, security, and maintenance of materials in the stockpile.
NATIONAL DEFENSE STOCKPILE MANAGER
SECTION 6A. (a) The President shall designate a single Federal office to have
responsibility for performing the functions of the President under this Act, other than
under sections 7, 8, and 13. The office designated shall be one to which appointment is
made by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.
(b) The individual holding the office designated by the President under
subsection (a) shall be known for purposes of his functions under this Act as the
“National Defense Stockpile Manager.”
(c) The President may delegate functions of the President under this Act (other
than under section 7, 8, and 13) only to the National Defense Stockpile Manager. Any
such delegation made by the President shall remain in effect until specifically revoked
by law or Executive order.
(d) During any period during which there is no officer appointed by the
President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, serving in the position
designated by the President under subsection (a) or during which the authority of the
President under this Act (other than under sections 7, 8, and 13) has not been delegated
to that position, no action may be taken under section 6(b) or 6(d).
SPECIAL DISPOSAL AUTHORITY OF THE PRESIDENT
SECTION 7. (a) Materials in the stockpile may be released for use, sale, or other
disposition—
(1) on the order of the President, at any time the President determines the release
of such materials is required for purposes of the national defense; and
(2)in time of war declared by the Congress or during a national emergency, on
the order of any officer or employee of the United States designated by the President to
have authority to issue disposal orders under this subsection, if such officer or employee
determines that the release of such materials is required for purposes of the national
defense.
(b) Any order issued under subsection (a) shall be promptly reported by the President, or
by the officer or employee issuing such order, in writing, to the Committees on Armed
Services of the Senate and House of Representatives.
MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT AND RESEARCH
SECTION 8. (a) (1) The President shall make scientific, technologic, and economic
investigations concerning the development, mining, preparation, treatment, and
utilization of ores and other mineral substances that (A) are found in the United States,
or in its territories or possessions, (B) are essential to the national defense, industrial, and
essential civilian needs of the United States, and (C) are found in known domestic
sources in inadequate quantities or grades.
(2) Such investigations shall be carried out in order to
(A) determine and develop new domestic sources of supply of such ores
and mineral substances;
(B) devise new methods for the treatment and utilization of lower grade
reserves of such ores and mineral substances; and
(C) develop substitutes for such essential ores and mineral products.
(3) Investigations under paragraph (1) may be carried out on public lands and,
with the consent of the owner, on privately owned lands for the purpose of exploring and
determining the extent and quality of deposits of such minerals, the most suitable
methods of mining and beneficiating such minerals, and the cost at which the minerals or
metals may be produced.
(b) The President shall make scientific, technologic, and economic investigations
of the feasibility of developing domestic sources of supplies of any agricultural material
or for using agricultural commodities for the manufacture of any material determined
pursuant to section 3(a) of this Act to be a strategic and critical material or substitutes
therefore.
NATIONAL DEFENSE STOCKPILE TRANSACTION FUND
SECTION 9. (a) There is established in the Treasury of the United States a separate fund
to be known as the National Defense Stockpile Transaction Fund (hereinafter in this
section referred to as the “fund”).
(b)(1) All moneys received from the sale of materials in the stockpile under
paragraphs (5) and (6) of section 6(a) shall be covered into the fund.
(2) Subject to section 5(a)(1), moneys covered into the fund under paragraph (1)
are hereby made available (subject to such limitations as may be provided in
appropriations Acts) for the following purposes:
(A) The acquisition of strategic and critical materials under section
6(a)(1).
(B) Transportation, storage, and other incidental expenses related to such
acquisition.
(C) Development of current specifications of stockpile materials and the
upgrading of existing stockpile materials to meet current specifications
(including transportation, when economical, related to such upgrading).
(D) Testing and quality studies of stockpile materials
(E) Studying future material and mobilization requirements for the
stockpile.
(3) Moneys in the fund shall remain available until expended.
(c) All moneys received from the sale of materials being rotated under the
provisions of section 6(a)(4) or disposed of under section 7(a) shall be covered
into the fund and shall be available only for the acquisition of replacement
materials.
ADVISORY COMMITTEES
SECTION 10. (a) The President may appoint advisory committees composed of
individuals with expertise relating to materials in the stockpile or with expertise in
stockpile management to advise the President with respect to the acquisition,
transportation, processing, refining, storage, security, maintenance, rotation, and disposal
of such materials under this Act.
(b) Each member of an advisory committee established under subsection (a) while
serving on the business of the advisory committee away from such member’s home or
regular place of business shall be allowed travel expenses, including perdiem in lieu of
subsistence, as authorized by section 5703 of title 5, United States Code, for persons
intermittently employed in the Government service.
REPORTS TO CONGRESS
SECTION 11. (a) The President shall submit to the Congress every six months a written
report detailing operations under this Act. Each such report shall include—
(1) information with respect to foreign and domestic purchases of materials
during the preceding 6-month period;
(2) information with respect to the acquisition and disposal of materials under
this Act by barter, as provided for in section 6(c) of this Act, during such period;
(3) a statement and explanation of the financial status of the National Defense
Stockpile Transaction Fund and the anticipated appropriations to be made from the fund
during the next fiscal year; and
(4) such other pertinent information on the administration of this Act as will
enable the Congress to evaluate the effectiveness of the program provided for under this
Act and to determine the need for additional legislation.
(b) Not later than February 15 of each year, the President shall submit to the appropriate
committees of the Congress a report containing an annual materials plan for the
operation of the stockpile during such fiscal year and the succeeding four fiscal years.
Each such report shall include details of planned expenditures for acquisition of strategic
and critical materials during such period (including expenditures to be made from
appropriations from the general fund of the Treasury) and of anticipated receipts from
proposed disposals of stockpile materials during such period.
DEFINITIONS
SECTION 12. For the purposes of this Act:
(1) The term “strategic and critical materials” means materials that (A) would be
needed to supply the military, industrial, and essential civilian needs of the United States
during a national emergency, and (B) are not found or produced in the United States in
sufficient quantities to meet such need.
(2) The term “national emergency” means a general declaration of emergency
with respect to the national defense made by the President or by the Congress.
IMPORTATION OF STRATEGIC AND CRITICAL MATERIALS
SECTION 13. The President may not prohibit or regulate the importation into the United
States of any material determined to be strategic and critical pursuant to the provisions
of this Act, if such material is the product of any foreign country or area not listed as a
Communist-dominated country or area in general headnote 3(d) of the Tariff Schedules
of the United States (19 U.S.C. 1202), for so long as the importation into the United
States of material of that kind which is the product of such Communist-dominated
countries or areas is not prohibited by any provision of law.
ANNUAL REPORT ON STOCKPILE REQUIREMENTS
SECTION 14. (a) The Secretary of Defense shall submit to Congress an annual report on
stockpile requirements. Each such report shall be submitted with the annual report
submitted under section 11(b) and shall include—
(b) Each report under this section shall set forth the national emergency planning
assumptions used in determining the stockpile requirements recommended by the
Secretary, based upon total mobilization of the economy of the United States for a
sustained conventional global war for a period of not less than three years. Assumptions
to be set forth include assumptions relating to each of the following:
(1) Length and intensity of the assumed emergency.
(2) The military force structure to be mobilized.
(3) Losses from enemy action.
(4) Military, industrial, and essential civilian requirements to support the national
emergency
(5) Budget authority necessary to meet the requirements of total mobilization for
the military, industrial, and essential civilian sectors.
(6) The availability of supplies of strategic and critical materials from foreign
sources, taking into consideration possible shipping losses.
(7) Domestic production of strategic and critical materials
(8) Civilian austerity measures.
(c) The President shall submit with each report under this section a statement of the
plans for the President for meeting the recommendations of the Secretary set forth in the
report.
United States Code Citations
Section 2—50 U.S.C. 98a
Section 3—50 U.S.C. 98b
Section 4—50 U.S.C. 98c
Section 5—50 U.S.C. 98d
Section 6—50 U.S.C. 98c
Section 6A—50 U.S.C. 98e-1
Section 7—50 U.S.C. 98f
Section 8—50 U.S.C. 98g
Section 9—50 U.S.C. 98h
Section 10—50 U.S.C. 98h-1
Section 11—50 U.S.C. 98h-2
Section 12—50 U.S.C. 98h-3
Section 13—50 U.S.C. 98h-4
Section 14—50 U.S.C. 98h-5
(Stockpile Report to Congress, Oct-1987-March 1988, pages 25-32)