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Buy-one-get-one-free deals attract more attention than percentage deals
Gordon-Hecker, T.; Pittarello, A.; Shalvi, S.; Roskes, M.
DOI
10.1016/j.jbusres.2019.02.070
Publication date
2020
Document Version
Final published version
Published in
Journal of Business Research
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Citation for published version (APA):
Gordon-Hecker, T., Pittarello, A., Shalvi, S., & Roskes, M. (2020). Buy-one-get-one-free deals
attract more attention than percentage deals.
Journal of Business Research
,
111
, 128-134.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2019.02.070
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Download date:13 Sep 2024
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Journal of Business Research
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jbusres
Buy-one-get-one-free deals attract more attention than percentage deals
Tom Gordon-Hecker
a,
, Andrea Pittarello
b
, Shaul Shalvi
c
, Marieke Roskes
d
a
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel
b
Brooklyn College, City University of New York, United States of America
c
University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
d
VU University Amsterdam, Netherlands
ARTICLE INFO
Keywords:
Attention
Promotion deals
Preferences
Online commerce
ABSTRACT
Promotion deals and price reductions are common strategies retailers use to attract consumers. We investigate
which of two common types of deals better captures consumers' attention. By tracing eye movements, we ex-
amine participants' attention allocation when deciding between “buy-one-get-one free” (BOGO) deals versus
deals that offer an equivalent price reduction. Results show that people prefer BOGO deals, and they tend to
choose them over price reductions even when the deals are equal in terms of net value. The preference is
amplified when the discount is relatively high: In these cases, BOGO deals attract more attention than percentage
deals. Overall, our findings can help retailers develop promotional strategies to capture potential consumers'
attention in online commerce. At the same time, our results warn consumers to better evaluate their options and
not be lured by the first BOGO deal that captures their attention, as it might not be the best deal available.
1. Introduction
Online commerce is an ever-increasing industry with an annual
growth rate of > 16%. In the second quarter of 2017—in the United
States alone—the total revenue of online commerce totaled $105.1
billion, which accounted for 8.2% of the total sales in that period (U.S.
Department of Commerce, 2017). As online commerce grows, so does
the competition: Well-known companies (e.g., Amazon, eBay, Groupon)
as well as small businesses are continuously striving to devise novel
promotional tools to increase their market share and boost financial
returns. Among the different strategies that companies have at their
disposal to lure customers into higher and more frequent purchases,
promotion deals are perhaps the most widely used (Bogomolova, Dunn,
Trinh, Taylor, & Volpe, 2015). These strategies tend to be well received
by customers (Blattberg & Neslin, 1989), and because of their potential,
it is important for retailers to better understand how to tailor them to
maximize their impact of sales. We examine how two different pro-
motion deals, namely, buy-one-get-one-free and discount deals, attract
consumers' attention when presented side by side on a computer screen
a setting that closely resembles the online purchasing experience.
Furthermore, we look at whether the preferences for, and attention
allocation to, such promotion deals differ across discount levels.
2. Theoretical background
2.1. Promotion deals
One of the most prominent ways retailers can attract consumers to
purchase their products is to offer discount deals. Indeed, promotional
deals increase buying intentions by enhancing the value of a certain
product (Grewal, Krishnan, Baker, & Borin, 1998; Lattin & Bucklin,
1989). Deals can generally be classified into two types: Some add a free
product upon the purchase of some quantity of either related or un-
related products. Such deals are called “buy-one-get-one-free” (BOGO)
deals, “free gifts”, or “bundle offers”, and refer to promotions such as
“buy a necklace and get earrings for free” (Raghubir, 2004; for further
reading on the psychology of “free gifts” see Shampanier, Mazar, &
Ariely, 2007; Mazar, Shampanier, & Ariely, 2016).
Other deals use a percentage discount of the original price, such as
“50% off” (Sinha & Smith, 2000). From a rational standpoint, the
market value of a product should not be affected by the type of deal. Put
differently, a rational consumer should be indifferent between a BOGO
deal and another deal offering a 50% discount upon the purchase of two
items. However, research on framing effects and prospect theory
(Kahneman & Tversky, 1979; Tversky & Kahneman, 1974; but see Gal &
Rucker, 2018) proposes that people consider the two offers differently:
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2019.02.070
Received 15 July 2018; Received in revised form 16 February 2019; Accepted 28 February 2019
This work was supported by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program, grant agreement
ERC-StG-637915 and the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, Veni grant 451-15-030.
Corresponding author at: Department of Psychology, Ben Gurion, University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva 84105, Israel.
E-mail address: [email protected] (T. Gordon-Hecker).
Journal of Business Research 111 (2020) 128–134
Available online 09 March 2019
0148-2963/ © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
T
from the consumer's reference point, BOGO deals are perceived in terms
of additional gains, whereas discount deals are perceived in the form of
reduced losses (Diamond & Sanyal, 1990).
Several studies have examined the effect of these two types of deals
on consumers' preferences (see Krishna, Briesch, Lehmann, & Yuan,
2002, for a meta-analysis) and evaluations of the products offered. For
instance, Raghubir (2004) suggested the value-discounting hypothesis,
according to which price bundles decrease the perceived value of the
product offered as a gift and result in lower willingness to pay for the
free gift as a stand-alone product. In line with these findings, and ac-
cording to prospect theory's (Kahneman & Tversky, 1979) predictions,
overall, people tend to prefer percentage deals to BOGO deals (Diamond
& Sanyal, 1990). However, this preference reverses when a percentage
deal is a multi-buy deal as well, i.e., when it requires the purchase of
some quantity of the product (e.g. “buy 2 and get 50% off”). In this
situation, BOGO deals are preferred over percentage deals, arguably
because the percentage deals include an aversive purchasing compul-
sion (Sinha & Smith, 2000). Furthermore, children tend to prefer BOGO
deals even when they are objectively inferior to percentage deals
(Boland, Connell, & Erickson, 2012). Lastly, when price reduction is
large, people prefer BOGO deals to package enlargement that results in
equal savings (Hardesty & Bearden, 2003).
Clearly, different deals affect people's preferences and behavior
differently. However, little is known about the cognitive processes as-
sociated with these preferences. Those include for instance the number
of gazes people devote to each type of deal, which may be considered a
proxy of their preference. Understanding these processes can be useful
for retailers when designing promotion deals and trying to stand out
among the vast range of products from which consumers need to
choose. Here, we use eye-tracking methodologies to examine whether
BOGO deals capture more attention than percentage deals, whether this
depends on discount level, and whether this relates to the choices that
people make.
2.2. Consumer behavior and attention allocation
In recent years, eye-tracking measures have been extensively used
as a measurement of implicit attention and motivational processes
(Fiedler, Glöckner, Nicklisch, & Dickert, 2013; Orquin & Mueller-Loose,
2013). The general finding is that people tend to fixate longer on the
option they end up choosing (Shimojo, Simion, Shimojo, & Scheier,
2003), and that their attention shifts toward the more favorable or
preferred option (Balcetis & Dunning, 2006; Gable & Harmon-Jones,
2010). For example, studies have found that dieters look longer at foods
(Papies, Stroebe, & Aarts, 2008), smokers at cigarettes (Mogg, Bradley,
Field, & De Houwer, 2003), and heavy drinkers at alcohol (Townshend
& Duka, 2001). This attention shift influences subsequent behavior. For
instance, when given an option to profit from misreporting the outcome
of a die roll, people who fixated longer on irrelevant yet tempting in-
formation (i.e., an outcome different than the one they were instructed
to report) were more likely to use this information to increase their
payoff (Pittarello, Leib, Gordon-Hecker, & Shalvi, 2015).
In the marketing domain, eye-tracking techniques have been used to
provide valuable insights into consumer behavior. For example, the
location of products on supermarket shelves influences consumers' be-
havior through visual attention (Chandon, Hutchinson, Bradlow, &
Young, 2009). Similarly, click-through rates on internet banners have
decreased because they fail to attract people's attention (Drèze &
Hussherr, 2003). Conversely, people look longer and more often at
salient and self-relevant information (Bee, Prendinger, Nakasone,
André, & Ishizuka, 2006; Glöckner, Fiedler, Hochman, Ayal, & Hilbig,
2012).
We conducted two experiments to examine how people weigh dif-
ferent types of promotion deals appearing on a computer screen a
setting resembling online shopping. We asked participants to choose
between two deals—one presented as a BOGO deal and one as a
percentage deal. To make the deals as equal as possible, both types of
deals were presented as multi-buy deals. In the experimental trials, the
net value - as well as the total number of products being purchased - of
the two deals was identical, whereas in the filler trials, one deal was
objectively better than the other. For example, in an experimental trial,
participants had to choose between a “buy 2 get 1 free” deal, and a “buy
3 get 33% off” deal. Conversely, in a filler trial participants had to
choose between a “buy 3 get 2 free” deal, and a “buy 5 get 20% off”
deal. We tracked participants' eye movements during the decision phase
to examine how their attention was allocated between the two alter-
natives.
The first goal of the current experiments was to replicate previous
findings showing that when choosing between a BOGO deal and a
multi-buy percentage deal (i.e., a percentage deal that requires pur-
chasing some quantity of items), people prefer BOGO over percentage
deals (Sinha & Smith, 2000). Our second goal was to examine how these
deals shape participants' attention, here measured via eye movements.
Because attractive information draws attention (Meißner, Musalem, &
Huber, 2016), we predicted that people would look more at BOGO deals
than at percentage deals. Additionally, we explored how different levels
of discounts moderate the predicted effect.
All data are available on the Open Science Framework (https://osf.
io/5qk8y/?view_only=ec31136919474e7ebbfccb5703b37d73). No
participants were excluded from any of the analyses, and all in-
dependent variables and manipulations are reported in the Method
section and the SOM.
3. Experiment 1
3.1. Method
3.1.1. Participants
Thirty undergraduate students from an Israeli university (20 fe-
males, M
age
= 25.13, SD
age
= 1.74) participated in the experiment in
exchange for a show-up fee of 25 ILS (~$7).
3.1.2. Measures and procedure
Participants were seated in a private cubicle, 60 cm from a 24-in
computer monitor (1280 × 1024 maximal resolution). Eye movements
were recorded using a Tobii T120 Eye Tracker (sampling rate = 120 Hz;
accuracy = 0.45°), with a standard 9-point eye-tracking calibration.
Participants were presented with 96 trials in which they had to
choose between two brands of the same product (e.g., cookies,
mayonnaise) each associated with a different deal. Participants were
instructed not to choose based on their favorite brand but only ac-
cording to the deal they thought was financially better. Specifically, the
verbatim instructions were “Choose the product that represents the deal
you think is better”. To increase engagement in the task, participants
were told that at the end of the experiment one trial would by randomly
chosen, and if they correctly picked the better deal, they would receive
additional 5 ILS (~$1.5).
In each trial, one deal was a percentage discount (“buy 2, get 50%
off”) and the other was a BOGO discount (“buy 1 get 1 for free”, see
Fig. 1; for the complete list of trials, see the Appendix A). Because a
recent review of eye-tracking studies (Orquin & Mueller-Loose, 2013)
identified stimulus characteristics that influence gaze behavior (i.e.,
saliency, size, visual clutter, and location), in the current experiment,
we sought to control for those characteristics to rule out possible arti-
facts. Hence, the presented deals were similar in terms of word count
and reading time in order to limit any effect of presentation format on
eye movements. Specifically, both deals consisted of three words and
two numeric values, were located the same distance from the center of
the screen, and their order of presentation was counterbalanced. Fi-
nally, BOGO deals consisted of 16 characters, and percentage deals
consisted of 18 characters. Although sentence length (in textual terms)
influences fixation duration (see Pieters & Wedel, 2004; Reichle,
T. Gordon-Hecker, et al.
Journal of Business Research 111 (2020) 128–134
129
Rayner, & Pollatsek, 2003), the minor difference in character quantity
between the two types of deals provides a conservative test for the idea
that people fixate more on the BOGO deals (which consisted of fewer
characters) than on the percentage deals (which consisted of more
characters). If sentence length would drive our results, rather than type
of deal, we should find more fixations on percentage deals than on
BOGO deals.
In each trial, a fixation cross appeared on the screen for 500 milli-
seconds. Next, the fixation cross disappeared, and the two products and
their deals were presented respectively on the right and on the left side
of the fixation cross for 6 s. Then the products disappeared, and parti-
cipants were asked to press the key (using the keyboard) corresponding
to their chosen deal. Once participants responded, the next trial began.
Of the total 96 trials, 32 were experimental trials in which the two
deals were equal in terms of value (e.g., “buy 5 and get 40% off” vs.
“buy 3 and get 2 for free”). To make sure participants would keep trying
to identify the financially “best deal,” the other 64 trials were filler
trials in which one deal was better than the other. Within subjects, we
manipulated the magnitude of the deals, so that participants were
presented with deals that yielded a discount of 20%, 25%, 33%, or 40%.
We counterbalanced the order of presentation of the deals (left to right)
and the matching of each deal to each product.
After completing the task, participants completed the approach-
avoidance temperament questionnaire (Elliot & Thrash, 2010), de-
signed to assess their approach (α = 0.795) and avoidance (α = 0.819)
motivation (see all items in the supplementary materials). The partici-
pants indicated on a 7-point Likert scale the extent to which they agreed
with 12 statements. For example, “By nature, I am a very nervous
person” (avoidance) and “Thinking about the things I want really en-
ergizes me” (approach). Additionally, participants completed the 10-
item Rational-Experiential inventory (REI-10; Epstein, Pacini, Denes-
Raj, & Heier, 1996), which assesses people's thinking styles (intuitive or
rational thinking) by means of two sub-scales (Faith in Intuition,
α = 0.784 and Need for Cognition, α = 0.743). Participants rated on a 5-
point scale the extent to which 10 items (five for each subscale) were
characteristic of them (1 = Very unlike me and 5 = Very like me). Be-
cause these scales were exploratory and outside the main goal of our
current research, we report their results in the supplementary materials.
3.1.3. Validity threats
In the current experiment, we took measures to reduce potential
validity threats that are common in eye-tracking studies (Orquin &
Holmqvist, 2018): To avoid making inappropriate comparisons, we
used a large set of stimuli (i.e., 32 different stimuli) that are very similar
to each other in terms of length, size, and character count, and differ
only on the relevant features (i.e., the type of deal). Using a large set of
stimuli also reduces to a minimum the threat of under sampling and the
effects of random stimulus features. To avoid drawing unwarranted
conclusions from multiple analyses, we only make a few, specific, and
theory-driven ex-ante comparisons. To increase data quality and cap-
ture rate, we used rather large areas of interest (358 × 406 pixels), with
a relatively low width-to-length ratio (1.13), which was shown to im-
prove capture rate (Orquin & Holmqvist, 2018). Finally, to avoid
threats of peripheral processing, which may result in processing the
stimulus without fixating on it, the stimuli appeared relatively distant
from each other, with a distance of 218 pixels (5.77 cm) between the
closest edges.
3.2. Results
3.2.1. Filler trials
In the filler trials, where one deal was objectively better than the
other, participants selected the financially better deal in 78.4% of the
trials (1505 of 1920), which was greater than chance, χ
2
= 336.51,
p < .001. Participants more often selected the financially worse deal
when the BOGO deal was worse than the percentage deal (32.40%
chose BOGO, 311 of 960) compared with situations in which the BOGO
deal was better than the percentage deal (10.83% chose percentage
deal, 104 of 960). A generalized linear mixed model logistic regression
controlling for the random effect of participants, with type of the better
deal predicting participants' accuracy revealed that this difference was
highly significant, F(1, 1918) = 128.37, p < .001, b = 1.46, 95%
CI = [1.206, 1.711].
3.2.2. Percentage vs. BOGO deals
In the experimental trials, where the two types of deals were of
equal net value, we replicated previous findings (Sinha & Smith, 2000),
as participants selected BOGO deals (74.89%, 719 of 960) over per-
centage deals (25.10%, 241 of 960), which was significantly different
from a non-preferential 50%–50% distribution, χ
2
= 126.86, p < .001.
3.2.3. Discount level
To enable us to take into account the effects of discount magnitude,
we split the discount levels into low discounts (20% and 25%) and high
discounts (33% and 40%). We ran a generalized linear mixed model
logistic regression controlling for the random effect of participants,
with the discount level predicting participants' selected deal. The ana-
lysis revealed that discount level influenced selections, with partici-
pants being more likely to select BOGO deals when the discount was
high (77.71%, 373 of 480) than when it was low (72.08%, 346 of 480),
F(1, 958) = 4.72, p = .030.
3.2.4. Gaze behavior
We ran a generalized linear mixed model controlling for the random
effect of participants, with discount level (high vs. low), deal type
(BOGO vs. percentage), and their interaction predicting fixation count
on each of the two products in the experimental trials. The analysis
revealed a deal type × discount level interaction, F(1, 1792) = 24.33,
p < .001 (see Fig. 2). When the discount level was high, participants
exhibited more fixations on BOGO deals (M = 9.73, SD = 3.35) than on
percentage deals (M = 8.85, SD = 3.47), F(1, 1792) = 15.85,
p < .001, b = 0.87, 95% CI = [0.441, 1.299]. However, when the
discount level was low, participants exhibited fewer fixations on BOGO
deals (M = 9.04, SD = 3.20) than on percentage deals (M = 9.69,
SD = 3.58), F(1, 1792) = 8.94, p = .003, b = −0.65, 95%
CI = [−0.223, −1.073]. The main effects for deal type and discount
level were not significant (F's < 1).
Fig. 1. Example of an experimental trial in Experiment 1.
T. Gordon-Hecker, et al.
Journal of Business Research 111 (2020) 128–134
130
3.3. Discussion
Experiment 1 revealed that people fixate more often on percentage
deals than on BOGO deals when the discount is low. When discount
level is high, people fixate more often on BOGO deals than on per-
centage deals. Additionally, BOGO deals tend to be chosen over per-
centage deals, especially when the discount level is high. Taken to-
gether, it seems that when the net value of the discount increases,
BOGO deals become more attractive than percentage deals.
However, Experiment 1 has some limitations challenging the in-
terpretation of the results. First, the instructions might have been
somewhat confusing for participants, since we asked participants to
choose the financially best deal, when in fact, in the experimental trials
an objectively better deal was not available. Further, participants'
choices had no consequences, potentially limiting their motivation to
exert effort and carefully compare the two deals in the experimental
trials, which may pose a threat to the external validity of our findings.
Finally, participants were always exposed to the two deals for a fixed
time of 6 s. Fixing exposure time has advantages, because it ensures that
participants can take enough time to process both stimuli. However, it
can also complicate the interpretation of the data, because participants
may adjust their gazes to fit the time window which may attenuate gaze
differences between options (Orquin & Holmqvist, 2018). Finally, when
people shop online they can usually look at deals as long as they want;
fixed exposure times therefore pose a threat to external validity.
We devised Experiment 2 to address these limitations, and with the
goal of replicating the results obtained in Experiment 1 using a larger
sample. We made the following modifications: (1) asking participants to
choose the deal they prefer, instead of choosing the ‘best deal’, (2) in-
centivizing participants' choices, (3) having an unlimited exposure time
while the deals were presented, (4) providing choices between pairs of
identical products with different deals, to avoid influence of preference
for specific products, and to increase similarity to real purchasing si-
tuations where people look for the best deal for a specific product, and
(5) controlling for participants' numeracy skills (Weller et al., 2013)
which might affect their ability to properly compare the different deals
(Tan & Bogomolova, 2016). Additionally, those modifications allowed
us to examine purchasing behavior that more closely resembles online
shopping. When consumers shop online, they often look for a specific
product and compare prices offered by multiple retailers, rather than
looking for different products from the same retailer. Thus the task used
in Experiment 2 mimics this online shopping experience.
4. Experiment 2
4.1. Method
4.1.1. Participants
Fifty undergraduate students from an Israeli university (25 females,
M
age
= 24.72, SD
age
= 2.35) participated in the experiment in ex-
change for a show-up fee of 25 ILS (~$7).
4.1.2. Measures and procedure
Participants were seated in a private cubicle, 60 cm from a 24-in
computer monitor (1280 × 1024 maximal resolution). Eye movements
were recorded using a Tobii T120 Eye Tracker (sampling rate = 120 Hz;
accuracy = 0.45°), with a standard 9-point eye-tracking calibration.
The task was similar to that of Experiment 1, with several mod-
ifications. Participants were presented with 96 trials in which they had
to choose between two proposed deals to purchase one of four types of
chocolate bars. Each trial presented two identical chocolate bars, each
representing a different deal. Specifically, the participants were asked
to choose the deal that they preferred, using the keyboard. In each trial,
one deal was a multi-buy percentage discount (“buy 2, get 50% off”)
and the other was a BOGO discount (“buy 1 get 1 for free”, see Fig. 3;
see the Appendix A for the complete list of trials). To incentivize par-
ticipants, after the completion of the experiment, one trial was ran-
domly selected and participants could purchase the product displayed
on the corresponding trial according to the deal they preferred. As in
Experiment 1, the presented deals were similar in terms of word count,
Fig. 2. Total number of fixations on each of the deal types (BOGO vs. percentage) in the two discount-level conditions in Experiment 1. Error bars represent 95% CI.
Fig. 3. Example of an experimental trial in
Experiment 2.
T. Gordon-Hecker, et al.
Journal of Business Research 111 (2020) 128–134
131
character count and reading time in order to limit any effects of pre-
sentation format on eye movements.
In each trial, a fixation cross appeared on the screen for 500 milli-
seconds. Next, the fixation cross disappeared, and the two deals were
presented on the right and on the left side of the fixation cross until
participants gave a response by pressing the key corresponding to their
preferred deal. Once participants made their choice, the next trial
began.
Of the total 96 trials, 32 were experimental trials in which the two
deals were equal in terms of value (e.g., “buy 5 and get 40% off” vs.
“buy 3 and get 2 for free”). To keep participants engaged throughout
the task, the other 64 trials were filler trials in which one deal was
better than the other. Within subjects, we manipulated the magnitude
of the deals, so that participants were presented with deals that yielded
a discount of 20%, 25%, 33%, or 40%. We counterbalanced the order of
presentation of the deals (left to right) and the matching of each deal to
each product.
After completing the task, participants completed the Abbreviated
Numeracy Scale (Weller et al., 2013) to assess their numeral abilities.
The scale includes eight items such as: “If the chance of getting a dis-
ease is 10%, how many people would be expected to get the disease out
of 1000?”. Additionally, to control for liking effects, participants in-
dicated what was the maximum price they were willing to pay for each
of the products presented in the experiment.
4.1.3. Validity threats
We employed the same measures as in Experiment 1 to reduce po-
tential validity threats, with two differences. First, in Experiment 2 the
size of the areas of interest was 298 × 566 pixels, yielding a width-to-
length ratio of 1.90, which is slightly higher than in Experiment 1, but
still allows for a good capture rate (Orquin & Holmqvist, 2018). Second,
the distance between the closest edges of the stimuli was 286 pixels
(7.57 cm), which is larger than the distance in Experiment 1, reducing
the threat of peripheral processing even further. All other measures we
used in Experiment 1 were also implemented in Experiment 2.
4.2. Results
4.2.1. Filler trials
As in Experiment 1, in the filler trials, where one deal was objec-
tively better than the other, participants preferred the better deal in
73.94% of the trials (2366 of 3200), which was significantly greater
than chance, χ
2
= 389.01, p < .001. Participants more often chose the
financially worse deal when the percentage deal was better than the
BOGO deal (34.88% chose BOGO, 558 of 1600) compared with trials in
which the BOGO deal was better than the percentage deal (17.25%
chose percentage deal, 276 of 1600). A generalized linear mixed model
logistic regression controlling for the random effect of participants,
with type of the better deal predicting participants' accuracy revealed
that this difference was highly significant, F(1, 3198) = 134.25,
p < .001, b = 1.02, 95% CI = [0.849, 1.195]. As a robustness check,
we entered into the model participants' numeracy score and willingness
to pay for the different products in the experiment. This did not affect
the pattern of the results. The analysis further revealed that numeracy
was positively associated with choosing the financially best deals, F(1,
3193) = 6.02, p = .014, b = 0.16, 95% CI = [0.032, 0.283]. Finally,
the willingness to pay for the different products had no effect on the
number of times people chose the financially worse deal (F's < 1.13,
p's > .343).
4.2.2. Percentage vs. BOGO deals
In the experimental trials, where the two types of deals were of
equal value, we replicated the results from Experiment 1, as partici-
pants preferred BOGO deals (67.19%, 1075 of 1600) over percentage
deals (32.81%, 525 of 1600), which was significantly different from a
non-preferential 50–50 distribution, χ
2
= 97.41, p < .001.
4.2.3. Discount level
As in Experiment 1, to test for the magnitude of the discount, we
split the discount levels into low discounts (20% and 25%) and high
discounts (33% and 40%). We ran a generalized linear mixed model
controlling for the random effect of participants, with the discount level
predicting participants' preferred deal. Replicating the results from
Experiment 1, the analysis revealed that discount level influenced
preferences, with participants being more likely to prefer BOGO deals
when the discount was high (72.63%, 581 of 800) than when it was low
(61.75%, 494 of 800), F(1, 1598) = 25.23, p < .001, b = 0.59, 95%
CI = [0.361, 0.824]. To check for robustness, we included in the model
participants' numeracy and their willingness to pay for the different
products in the experiment. Including these measures did not change
the effect of the discount level (F(1,1593) = 25.38, p < .001, b = 0.60,
95% CI = [0.364, 0.828]. Additionally, none of the control variables
significantly affected participants' preferred deal (F's < 2.49, p's >
.114).
4.2.4. Gaze behavior
Due to a technical error, eye tracking data from one participant was
not recorded. Hence, the analysis of the eye tracking data included 49
participants. We ran a generalized linear mixed model with discount
level (high vs. low), deal type (BOGO vs. percentage), and their inter-
action predicting fixation count on each of the two deals in the ex-
perimental trials. The analysis revealed a main effect for discount level,
F(1,3132) = 27.68, p < .001 and a main effect for deal type, F
(1,3132) = 11.23, p = .001. Replicating the results of Experiment 1,
those effects were qualified by deal type × discount level interaction, F
(1, 3132) = 4.89, p = .027. When the discount level was low, partici-
pants exhibited more fixations on percentage deals (M = 5.31,
SD = 4.80) than on BOGO deals (M = 4.60, SD = 4.44), F(1,
3132) = 15.46, p < .001, b = 0.71, 95% CI = [0.356, 1.063].
However, when the discount level was high, participants had similar
number of fixations both on percentage deals (M = 4.36, SD = 4.03)
and on BOGO deals (M = 4.21, SD = 3.83), F < 1.
As in the previous analyses, we ran an additional model including
participants' numeracy and willingness to pay for the different products
as a robustness check. The main effects of discount level (F(1,
3127) = 27.68, p < .001) and deal type (F(1, 3127) = 11.23,
p = .001), as well as the deal type × discount level interaction (F(1,
3127) = 4.89, p = .027) remained significant, whereas none of the
control variables affected the fixation count (F's < 3.76, p's > .053).
5. General discussion
For companies to sell their products in a competitive market,
especially in one as the online commerce, it is crucial to develop ef-
fective ways to promote sales. Promotion deals are a powerful and easy-
to-implement tools, and nearly half of all food items are being sold
under some type of promotion deal (Bogomolova et al., 2015). Yet,
choosing how to present these deals is not trivial: For a deal to be ef-
fective, it must be implemented wisely. Our findings suggest that not all
promotion deals are equal in the amount of attention they attract.
In two experiments, we found that when a promotion deal requires
the purchase of a certain quantity of items (i.e., a multi-buy deal),
people prefer deals that are presented as giving them some of the items
for free (i.e., BOGO deals) over deals that are presented as a price re-
duction (i.e., percentage deals). Interestingly, this preference leads
some people to choose a financially worse deal when it is presented as a
BOGO deal than when it is presented as a percentage deal. That is,
people at times seem to exhibit suboptimal preferences (Shafir &
LeBoeuf, 2002) and favor a less profitable deal if it is presented in a
more attractive manner. This cannot be explained by people's numeral
abilities. Numeral abilities were positively associated with accuracy in
detecting financially better deals, but nevertheless, did not prevent
people from choosing financially worse deals especially when the
T. Gordon-Hecker, et al.
Journal of Business Research 111 (2020) 128–134
132
worse deal was more attractively presented, i.e., as a BOGO deal.
Previous research has shown that for larger discounts, people prefer
price reductions to package enlargement (Hardesty & Bearden, 2003).
Challenging this finding, here we found that when a percentage deal
requires a purchase of a certain quantity of items, the preference for
BOGO deals is stronger when the discount level is high (vs. low).
Consumers are less likely to process information extensively when
discount levels are high versus more moderate (Grewal, Marmorstein, &
Sharma, 1996). Hence, when purchasing a certain quantity of items is
not required, high discounts are preferable to large bonus packs, be-
cause the consumer can more easily understand and process a discount
(Diamond & Campbell, 1989; Hardesty & Bearden, 2003). However,
when consumers must purchase a certain quantity of an item to enjoy
the price discount, that percentage promotion is as complex as a BOGO
deal. Therefore, when the discount level is high, and consumers are less
invested in processing the information, they may follow their initial
preferences and choose BOGO deals over percentage deals.
Complementing the interpretation of different information processes
as the cause for the effect of discount levels on the preferred deal, the
current research also reveals that consumers' attention allocation to the
different types of deals is influenced by the magnitude of the discount.
Generally, percentage deals are more difficult to process than BOGO
deals (Tan & Bogomolova, 2016). Indeed, when discount level was low,
which as described above should lead to more thorough information
processing (Grewal et al., 1996), people exhibited more fixations on
percentage deals than on BOGO deals, suggesting that percentage deals
indeed required more re-fixations (an indicator of attention) to be suf-
ficiently processed and understood (Rayner, 2009). When the discount
level was high, however, and participants presumably processed in-
formation less thoroughly, their attention was drawn to the BOGO deals
– people no longer fixated more often on percentage deals than on BOGO
deals (Experiment 2) or even fixated more often on BOGO deals than
percentage deals (Experiment 1). This increase in fixations on BOGO
deals when discount levels were high was associated with an increase in
choosing BOGO deals over discount deals.
One interesting question not addressed by our research is the pos-
sible moderating role of the type of product on consumers' attention.
For instance, research has shown that people prefer percentage deals for
vice products (i.e., products that grant immediate satisfaction, e.g.,
chocolate) and BOGO deals for non-vice products (i.e., products that
grant long-term payoffs, e.g., vegetables; Wertenbroch, 1998), arguably
in order to refrain from consuming more of a vice product (Mishra &
Mishra, 2011). Interestingly, in our second experiment participants
were exposed to only vice products (i.e., chocolate bars), yet, we found
a preference for BOGO deals over percentage deals, especially when
discount levels were high. Of course, in our experiment, both types of
deals required the purchase of the quantity of products, making the
motivation to stay away from BOGO deals in order to refrain from
consuming more of a vice product irrelevant. The question is, whether
the preference we found for BOGO deals would even be stronger for
non-vice products, or if an equal quantity of products in deals undoes
differences in preference for deal type for vice and non-vice products.
6. Conclusion
Customers often spend minimal effort on processing information
regarding prices and discounts, especially when discount levels are high
(Chen, Monroe, & Lou, 1998; Grewal et al., 1996; Hardesty & Bearden,
2003). Here, we show that when discounts are high, consumers' at-
tention shifts more toward BOGO deals than toward percentage deals,
and that this is accompanied by an increase in choice for BOGO deals
over discount deals. In today's world of online commerce, when con-
sumers are exposed to hundreds of products, deals, and promotions, the
ability of retailers to attract potential consumers' attention is key. By
offering the most attractive deal, companies may be able to increase
their sales and revenues. Consumers, at the other end, may realize that
it is worthwhile to more thoroughly evaluate offers when they under-
stand how retailers can steer their attention by presenting tempting
BOGO deals.
Appendix A. Complete list of trials in Experiments 1 & 2 (each combination was presented 4 times in each experiment, each with
repetition with different products)
Deal on the left Deal on the right
Buy 2 get 1 for free Buy 3 get 33% off
Buy 2 get 1 for free Buy 4 get 25% off
Buy 2 get 1 for free Buy 5 get 40% off
Buy 3 get 1 for free Buy 3 get 33% off
Buy 3 get 1 for free Buy 4 get 25% off
Buy 3 get 1 for free Buy 5 get 20% off
Buy 3 get 2 for free Buy 3 get 33% off
Buy 3 get 2 for free Buy 5 get 20% off
Buy 3 get 2 for free Buy 5 get 40% off
Buy 4 get 1 for free Buy 4 get 25% off
Buy 4 get 1 for free Buy 5 get 20% off
Buy 4 get 1 for free Buy 5 get 40% off
Buy 3 get 33% off Buy 2 get 1 for free
Buy 3 get 33% off Buy 3 get 1 for free
Buy 3 get 33% off Buy 3 get 2 for free
Buy 4 get 25% off Buy 2 get 1 for free
Buy 4 get 25% off Buy 3 get 1 for free
Buy 4 get 25% off Buy 4 get 1 for free
Buy 5 get 20% off Buy 3 get 1 for free
Buy 5 get 20% off Buy 3 get 2 for free
Buy 5 get 20% off Buy 4 get 1 for free
Buy 5 get 40% off Buy 2 get 1 for free
Buy 5 get 40% off Buy 3 get 2 for free
Buy 5 get 40% off Buy 4 get 1 for free
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Journal of Business Research 111 (2020) 128–134
133
Appendix B. Supplementary data
Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2019.02.070.
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